One of the things of which I'm most proud in my life is my voting record. I have voted in every election for which I've been eligible with one exception. That came during my college years in either 1982 or 1983 (I'm not for sure which year). I was home in May between the spring semester and the summer session, we decided to take an impromptu family trip, and it was too late for me to request an absentee ballot. That's the only election I've ever missed.
I turned 18 in December of 1979, so my first vote came in the 1980 primary election. I voted absentee when I was away at college, and at my local polling place during every other election except one. I even briefly changed my registration to Rowan County when I was in college to vote in a special election in Morehead that was of personal interest. That's how important the electoral process is to me.
Voting was a big deal in my family. My brother and I always accompanied our parents to the polling place just a couple of miles out the road. I usually went into the voting booth with my dad, and my brother went in with our mom. I would turn the knob to close the curtain, pull the levers my dad indicated on the machine that was taller than I was, then turn the knob to cast the vote and open the curtain back up. Voting was instilled in me at an early age as my civic duty.
But this year I fear my streak could be in jeopardy, thanks to decisions made by Kentucky's governor, secretary of state, and Board of Elections. As a response to the coronavirus situation, the state has implemented guidelines for this year's primary election that run counter to the way I prefer elections to be administered.
I'm a firm believer that elections should be generally be conducted in person and on one designated day, with participation limited to those legally entitled to vote. Twelve hours on Election Day is plenty of time for anyone who wants to vote to be able to do so. Absentee balloting should be restricted to those who will be out of the county on Election Day, and mail-in votes should be allowed only for those physically unable to go to the polls.
I'm opposed to voting by mail on the premise that it makes it easier for voter fraud, specifically vote buying and selling, to occur. The time-honored way in Kentucky to buy votes was to do so via the use of absentee paper ballots. The buyer could easily verify if the seller voted the way they promised by being present with them when they marked their ballot. Kentucky made drastic cuts in vote buying when voting booths were put into use for absentee balloting, with paper ballots reserved only for those who would be out of the county during the entire absentee balloting period, or those who had physical ailments that prevented them from leaving home to go vote.
I'm also opposed to the use of paper ballots. Other than the times I voted absentee by mail when I was in college, I have never used a paper ballot. I have always voted via machine, first on those tall mechanical beasts of my childhood that actually had the retractable curtains surrounding them, then on various models of computerized touchscreen machines. Paper ballots provide too many possibilities for fraud, either from people stuffing the ballot boxes, or by ballots being stolen.
Finally, I'm against the concept of early voting. Too many things can happen between the advent of the voting period and the actual Election Day. Kentucky has already started its emergency early voting process, and a number of ballots had already been cast in the U.S. Senate race prior to the endorsements of Charles Booker by Bernie Sanders, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, the Courier-Journal, and the Lexington Herald-Leader. No doubt there will be plenty of other developments in the race prior to the June 23 election.
Sadly, all three of these bad ideas are being put into practice for the Kentucky primary election, along with a strict limitation in the number of open voting locations that is dissuading voters from going to the polls on Election Day and instead utilizing some combination of early voting and vote-by-mail, or both.
In my own county, only one voting location will be open for the entire county. There will be two machines at that location, and both of them will be supplied by the state. They will use paper ballots. The county will not be using the computerized touchscreen voting machines it already owns. Voters are being urged to apply for absentee ballots, and to complete them at home and either mail them in or drop them off at the county clerk's office. Alternately early voting at the clerk's office is being allowed, but by appointment. The state is making it intentionally difficult to vote in the normal manner.
I'm in a quandary. My intent is to vote in person on Election Day, even though I'll be forced to use a paper ballot. I do not want to legitimize a faulty procedure with which I disagree by participating in it. I'm healthy and I'll be home on Election Day. Even though my mind is pretty much made up as to how I'll vote, I want to wait to make up my mind in case there are late revelations about the candidates that could sway me against my choices or in favor of someone else, so I don't want to vote in advance of Election Day. There's no good reason for me to participate in a process that is an open invitation for fraud.
But what happens if I get to the polling place and there's a very lengthy line? I have no desire to stand and wait for a long time, especially if there's a mandatory mask requirement (I'm not wearing a mask anywhere except when I go to my office, and that's only because it's required; I haven't worn one anywhere else and I don't plan to.) I'd hate to arrive on Election Day, see a line that exceeds the length of my patience, and then turn around and go home (and forego the four hours of paid leave I will get for voting that day).
This is an important election. My district has an open Kentucky House of Representatives seat, and a longtime friend of mine is one of the candidates for the Republican nomination. The state may claim it's making it easier to vote, but that's not the case with me. They're pushing me into a process that runs counter to my principles in a number of ways.
It's frustrating. Kentucky's new secretary of state, Michael Adams, ran his campaign on the slogan "easy to vote, hard to cheat," primarily by pushing for stronger voter identification laws in Kentucky. But he's either forgotten, or is conveniently ignoring, Kentucky's sordid history of vote buying by approving and promoting a system that uses paper ballots and allows voting by mail.
This response to the coronavirus is overblown, as have been most of the state's actions the past few months. The state had already postponed the primary election by a month. It would have been more than sufficient to reduce the number of polling places in each county by half or by two-thirds, making sure the same number of voting machines was available as usual countywide, and using the traditional absentee balloting process. That would have cut down on the risk of illness for precinct workers and voters alike. It would have preserved the best aspects of the traditional voting process, which serves Kentuckians just fine, without introducing an increased possibility of fraud.
The only bright spot is that since there are federal races on the ballot this year, vote fraud becomes a federal offense rather than a state offense. The recent vote buying prosecutions in Kentucky have occurred in federal court, where convictions are more likely and punishments are harsher. If some sort of shenanigans do come into play, they'll be dealt with.
The state isn't communicating to the county clerks very well about what will happen this fall. My own county clerk is unsure about whether or not we'll go back to our usual touchscreen machines, which is her desire, or if the state will insist on using the paper ballots. The November election date is set by federal decree, and the state can't change it or push it back. And who knows if the governor will still be using the excuse of a viral emergency to impose his dictates upon the people? We already have organizations canceling events well into the fall. Who knows if the fall election will be a normal situation, or if we'll still be operating under the emergency provisions under which the primary is being conducted? And with the amount of pushback against the primary voting process that Republicans are giving, and with the pressure that President Trump is exerting against widespread mail-in voting, will Adams allow another altered election process?
I hope things go smoothly on Tuesday, May 23. I hope I can arrive at my county's single polling place, get access to one of the two voting machines quickly, and know the names of the winning candidates later that evening. But I'm fearful that something will happen and my long streak of election participation, dating back to that spring in the early 1980s, will be snapped.
Friday, June 12, 2020
Thursday, June 11, 2020
Honestly? Abe would be scratching his head over this
If you follow politics, by now you have to be aware of something called "The Lincoln Project." This is a group of RINO "Never Trump" Republicans who'd rather give America over to the liberals and Joe Biden than see Donald Trump be re-elected president. Its leader and most visible face is George Conway, one of the most vocal "Never Trumpers" who happens to be married to one of Trump's closest advisers, Kellyanne Conway. (The two of them probably have dinnertime discussions that would make the dialogue between Mary Matalin and James Carville seem tame by comparison.)
The "Never Trump" movement had quite a few defectors between the 2016 GOP presidential nomination process and now. It originated as a curious mixture of conservative tea party types and liberal-to-moderate establishment RINOs who saw Trump as being both a conservative and a moderate, while at the same time being neither. Trump was a populist, a former Democrat with a liberal past, and he drew support from both wings of the party, although the establishment remained weary of him because his presence was a threat to their entrenched existence. But gradually, many of those who had opposed Trump came around to stand in his corner -- if not solidly, then at least on many issues and especially when the Democrats opposed him. This includes presidential rival Ted Cruz, frequent critic and John McCain disciple Lindsey Graham, and a certain former newspaper editor turned PR person and aspiring political blogger from the Kentucky River valley.
It's easy to see why the establishment dislikes Trump. As an outsider, he challenges their hegemony and their authority. The establishment is the swamp that Trump wants to drain. Trump isn't a politician. He didn't come up through the normal channels. He isn't beholden to the political power structure. Despite his wealth, he brings a common man's approach to governing. He speaks his mind. He doesn't abide by traditions or conventions. And the establishment is extremely wedded to traditions and conventions, at the expense of policy and getting things done. To the establishment, it's not that the end justifies the means, the means are the end. Procedure is the most important thing, not the results.
So while it's easy to see why the Lincoln Project is after Trump -- although, again, why they'd sacrifice America on the altar of the corrupt, senile, and liberal Joe Biden is a puzzler -- their entry into Kentucky politics is a real head-scratcher.
The Lincoln Project has come after Mitch McConnell. This defies all reason. McConnell embodies the establishment that the Lincoln Project represents. He values procedure above all else. He's stood in the way of the tea party movement at every opportunity. He'd rather strike a deal with Democrats to raise taxes and increase spending than to shut down the government to force cuts. He's a stickler for traditions and rules. His trademark is reserved, measured public comment. In short, he's pretty much everything Trump is not.
Why, then, would the Lincoln Project interject itself into Kentucky's Senate race? The only possible reason, and one that the participants have mentioned, is that McConnell didn't allow the partisan impeachment of Trump to succeed. But that act was common sense. No Republican Senate leader with any sense of decency would have allowed that politically motivated circus to come to the final act. McConnell recognized it for the attempted coup that it was, and took the appropriate steps to impede it. It's the only logical conclusion that can be drawn, since McConnell and the Lincoln Project have so much in common otherwise. Many regard McConnell as a Trump enabler, but the majority leader and the president have serious differences on a number of policy positions -- the aforementioned government shutdown being key; Trump urged it on while McConnell pledged it would not happen.
What's the Lincoln Project's ultimate goal in Kentucky? They're certainly not going to support Wesley Morgan in the Senate race. McConnell's chief challenger in the GOP primary, a business owner and former state representative from nearby Madison County, is an outspoken Trump supporter. If they hate Trump, they're certainly not going to back Morgan. It would appear, then, that they're positioning themselves for the general election this fall.
If these are the loyal Republicans that they claim to be, then their actions belie that statement. They couldn't actually want to see Amy McGrath, Charles Booker, or Mike Broihier elected to the Senate, could they? That would spit in the face of their professed Republican values. So far, they've released an ad attacking McConnell for his wealth he's accumulated since he was elected in 1984 (hint: he married into it) and authored an opinion piece for the Courier-Journal. Whether they will remain involved in the Senate race this spring or this fall remains to be seen.
Trump Derangement Syndrome is real. There are Republicans out there who would rather see liberal Democrats take control of the country than having a president in office that is in agreement with their policies and beliefs more often than not. They're making the perfect the enemy of the good. As for me, I supported Ted Cruz in the 2016 presidential nominating process. I voted for him in the Kentucky caucus. I still think he would be a better president than Trump. And I hope he is elected president someday. But I'm certainly not going to let that wish override the reality that if you're a Republican or a conservative, Trump is infinitely preferable to Biden or any Democrat. That a group that claims to be Republicans would surrender the country to liberals who ideologically oppose everything they profess to stand for is unfathomable. But that's the extent to which they'll go because Trump has disturbed their comfortable little establishment nest and ruffled their feathers.
Ol' "Honest Abe" would be scratching his head over this. No one can know how Lincoln would have perceived Trump, but the only Kentucky native ever to have been elected president is no doubt the Bluegrass State's most influential politician. And McConnell -- love him or loathe him, and I've loathed him for a decade and a half -- may not be a native Kentuckian, but he's spent most of his life as a resident, and he has to be regarded as the state's second-most influential political figure. So he and Lincoln have that in common. And you have to think the 16th president would appreciate that accomplishment.
The "Never Trump" movement had quite a few defectors between the 2016 GOP presidential nomination process and now. It originated as a curious mixture of conservative tea party types and liberal-to-moderate establishment RINOs who saw Trump as being both a conservative and a moderate, while at the same time being neither. Trump was a populist, a former Democrat with a liberal past, and he drew support from both wings of the party, although the establishment remained weary of him because his presence was a threat to their entrenched existence. But gradually, many of those who had opposed Trump came around to stand in his corner -- if not solidly, then at least on many issues and especially when the Democrats opposed him. This includes presidential rival Ted Cruz, frequent critic and John McCain disciple Lindsey Graham, and a certain former newspaper editor turned PR person and aspiring political blogger from the Kentucky River valley.
It's easy to see why the establishment dislikes Trump. As an outsider, he challenges their hegemony and their authority. The establishment is the swamp that Trump wants to drain. Trump isn't a politician. He didn't come up through the normal channels. He isn't beholden to the political power structure. Despite his wealth, he brings a common man's approach to governing. He speaks his mind. He doesn't abide by traditions or conventions. And the establishment is extremely wedded to traditions and conventions, at the expense of policy and getting things done. To the establishment, it's not that the end justifies the means, the means are the end. Procedure is the most important thing, not the results.
So while it's easy to see why the Lincoln Project is after Trump -- although, again, why they'd sacrifice America on the altar of the corrupt, senile, and liberal Joe Biden is a puzzler -- their entry into Kentucky politics is a real head-scratcher.
The Lincoln Project has come after Mitch McConnell. This defies all reason. McConnell embodies the establishment that the Lincoln Project represents. He values procedure above all else. He's stood in the way of the tea party movement at every opportunity. He'd rather strike a deal with Democrats to raise taxes and increase spending than to shut down the government to force cuts. He's a stickler for traditions and rules. His trademark is reserved, measured public comment. In short, he's pretty much everything Trump is not.
Why, then, would the Lincoln Project interject itself into Kentucky's Senate race? The only possible reason, and one that the participants have mentioned, is that McConnell didn't allow the partisan impeachment of Trump to succeed. But that act was common sense. No Republican Senate leader with any sense of decency would have allowed that politically motivated circus to come to the final act. McConnell recognized it for the attempted coup that it was, and took the appropriate steps to impede it. It's the only logical conclusion that can be drawn, since McConnell and the Lincoln Project have so much in common otherwise. Many regard McConnell as a Trump enabler, but the majority leader and the president have serious differences on a number of policy positions -- the aforementioned government shutdown being key; Trump urged it on while McConnell pledged it would not happen.
What's the Lincoln Project's ultimate goal in Kentucky? They're certainly not going to support Wesley Morgan in the Senate race. McConnell's chief challenger in the GOP primary, a business owner and former state representative from nearby Madison County, is an outspoken Trump supporter. If they hate Trump, they're certainly not going to back Morgan. It would appear, then, that they're positioning themselves for the general election this fall.
If these are the loyal Republicans that they claim to be, then their actions belie that statement. They couldn't actually want to see Amy McGrath, Charles Booker, or Mike Broihier elected to the Senate, could they? That would spit in the face of their professed Republican values. So far, they've released an ad attacking McConnell for his wealth he's accumulated since he was elected in 1984 (hint: he married into it) and authored an opinion piece for the Courier-Journal. Whether they will remain involved in the Senate race this spring or this fall remains to be seen.
Trump Derangement Syndrome is real. There are Republicans out there who would rather see liberal Democrats take control of the country than having a president in office that is in agreement with their policies and beliefs more often than not. They're making the perfect the enemy of the good. As for me, I supported Ted Cruz in the 2016 presidential nominating process. I voted for him in the Kentucky caucus. I still think he would be a better president than Trump. And I hope he is elected president someday. But I'm certainly not going to let that wish override the reality that if you're a Republican or a conservative, Trump is infinitely preferable to Biden or any Democrat. That a group that claims to be Republicans would surrender the country to liberals who ideologically oppose everything they profess to stand for is unfathomable. But that's the extent to which they'll go because Trump has disturbed their comfortable little establishment nest and ruffled their feathers.
Ol' "Honest Abe" would be scratching his head over this. No one can know how Lincoln would have perceived Trump, but the only Kentucky native ever to have been elected president is no doubt the Bluegrass State's most influential politician. And McConnell -- love him or loathe him, and I've loathed him for a decade and a half -- may not be a native Kentuckian, but he's spent most of his life as a resident, and he has to be regarded as the state's second-most influential political figure. So he and Lincoln have that in common. And you have to think the 16th president would appreciate that accomplishment.
Friday, May 29, 2020
"Don't You Dare Think Different!" Beshear administration adopts modified Apple ad campaign as its motto
As a Macintosh computer user for more than 30 years, I've seen various Apple advertising campaigns and slogans over the decades. One that stands out is the "Think Different" slogan that was heavily used from 1997 to around 2002, and still makes its way onto Apple packaging from time to time.
Conceived when the personal computer was becoming an integral part of everyday life, the slogan coincided with the advent of the iMac household computer that was intended to be a substitute for the Windows-based PCs that were gaining in popularity.
Now, it would be entirely appropriate for the administration of Gov. Andy Beshear to modify that hoary Apple tag line and apply it to its own philosophy.
"Don't You Dare Think Different!"
Shortly before this column went live yesterday with a critique of the way the administration has railed against those who would dare to challenge the governor's response to the "kung flu" Wuhan China virus, news broke that another rally to oppose Beshear's edicts is being planned for this weekend. The event is being organized by Dr. Frank Simon, a well-known Louisville religious leader and Christian activist.
This certainly didn't go over well with Dear Leader's camp. Consider this statement from his mouthpiece, Crystal Staley:
“This is another attempt to create fear and terror.” She added, “Holding another event just six days after shows his true intentions. Gov. Beshear will not back down or be bullied. All elected officials should condemn this rally and its organizer.”
Staley, like most of the governor's key staffers, came over with him from the attorney general's office. She must have a selective memory. Has she forgotten that her boss grabbed a megaphone and addressed a Capitol rally attended and organized by educators who staged an illegal sickout in order to be able to go to Frankfort? Is she really saying that it was OK for her boss to protest against former Gov. Matt Bevin, but it's not OK for anyone else to criticize her boss?
It's becoming increasingly apparent that this administration does not like it when people publicly express disagreement with its actions. Indeed, they seem incredulous that anyone would question or defy what they are doing. How dare anyone not appreciate them and their actions? They continue to accuse Republicans of pandering to extremists and inciting bad behavior without any evidence whatsoever, as if the mere act of speaking out in opposition to the governor's actions is throwing red meat to a hungry, angry mob.
There's lots to be upset about, from the way the state has ordered businesses closed and put people out of work to the way the broken unemployment system has been addressed. The executive branch has acted unilaterally in most cases; only when legislators started complaining about a plan to close a handful of state parks to keep them in reserve in case quarantine internment camps were necessary did Beshear act in a bipartisan, cross-branch manner.
People want to be able to express that unhappiness. But the administration does not seem to want to hear their pleas.
Dr. Simon has long been a thorn in the side of liberals. His vocal pro-life, pro-Christian stances have long angered Democrats. He's a lightning rod for criticism, but he's indicated that this weekend's event will be a prayer rally and acts that might be perceived as hostile or intimidating will not be welcome.
But still, it's painfully obvious that this administration doesn't like being told its emperor has no clothes. The citizenry dare not "think different." That's all the more reason to keep fighting, keep rallying, keep protesting, and to make sure the voices of opposition are heard as patriots struggle to get Kentucky and America back on its feet.
Thursday, May 28, 2020
Dissent for me but not for thee: Democrats can't accept disagreement with their policies
During the George W. Bush administration, then-Sen. Hillary Clinton went on a famous unhinged screeching rant about political dissent. "I'm sick and tired of people who say that if you debate and disagree with this administration, somehow you're not patriotic. We need to stand up and say we're Americans, and we have the right to debate and disagree with any administration," she screamed. (Listen, if you dare, but don't turn the sound up too loud.)
Now, more than a decade later, it appears Democrats don't believe that Republicans have the right to challenge their policies.
Prior to a controversial rally held on the Capitol grounds in Frankfort on Sunday, May 24, at least three other events had been held by those opposed to the way Gov. Andy Beshear has responded to the coronavirus/COVID-19 (otherwise known as the "kung flu" Wuhan Chinese virus) situation. At some of those rallies, a handful of Republican legislators were in attendance, and some of them spoke.
There was nothing controversial in their remarks. Nothing incendiary. Not an inappropriate word. They spoke the truth. And the truth is that the business shutdowns ordered by the governor have caused major problems for thousands of Kentuckians. Businesses have been closed, and a number of them are permanently closed. Workers have lost their jobs, again many on a permanent basis, and many are having problems getting their unemployment benefits. Some estimates place our unemployment rate at 40 percent, which is said to be tops in the nation. As a result of these closures and layoffs, the state is starving for tax revenue to fund essential services.
This state is in trouble. It didn't have to be that way. But we're in this situation due to the orders of one official, and those who disagree with his decisions have every right to make their views known. And up until last Sunday, they had done so in a rational and respectful manner.
No elected officials were in attendance at the May 24 rally that resulted in the protest moving to the grounds of the Governor's Mansion, or of the hanging of Gov. Beshear in effigy on the Capitol lawn. The political candidates who attended the rally had no idea that the effigy incident would take place, and most of the attendees had already left when that occurred.
But that didn't stop Beshear from casting blame for the incident on the legislators who had spoken at previous rallies. "You cannot fan the flames and then condemn the fire," he said on Tuesday.
Oh, really? How is offering legitimate criticism of your policies and decisions that have wrecked the state's economy fanning flames? Do you expect the people who have been harmed by your executive orders to just sit idly, silently by while their livelihoods and life's dreams evaporate? Are they supposed to say, "Thank you sir, may I have another?" How can you not expect people to be upset? Are you that out of touch and tone-deaf?
The hanging in effigy was over the top, to be sure, but it's not unprecedented in American history. And there's no fence around the Governor's Mansion, such as there is at the White House, to keep the public away. The governor and his family may not have been there at the time, but even if they were, that's not private property. It's a government building.
Most of the governor's ire, and that of leading Democrats, seems to be pointed at State. Rep. Savannah Maddox, who's a rising star in Kentucky conservative circles. She addressed the crowd during one of the earlier rallies and has emerged as one of the leading critics of the economic ramifications of the "kung flu" response. But since Democrats can't abide any criticism of the governor, since he's nobly trying to save lives, they've turned on Maddox, demanding that Republican leadership censure her.
One thing they've seized on is a tweet she sent long before she was elected. In that post, she noted that many didn't regard Barack Obama as a true black because his father was from Africa and hadn't experienced the racial segregation and discrimination that American blacks have endured for years. For that, they've branded her a racist.
Funny thing. She was echoing some the exact same criticisms levied by blacks such as Al Sharpton back during the 2008 presidential campaign. A black columnist for the Los Angeles Times named David Ehrenstein pointed this out, using the phrase "magic Negro" (something falsely attributed to Rush Limbaugh since he promoted a parody song called "Barack the Magic Negro" that was set to the tune of "Puff the Magic Dragon.") As in many cases, no one cares who has the initial thought, but don't anyone else dare repeat it, or you're a racist or a bigot.
Beshear, Lt. Gov. Jackie Coleman, and House Democrats are trying to turn the protests into a partisan thing, but that's another falsehood. Beshear has taken most of his shutdown cues from Ohio Gov. Mike DeWine, a Republican, and there have been a number of protests in the Buckeye State as well, some boosted by Republican legislators or legislative candidates. The opposition to the economic strangulation is based not on party affiliation, but a recognition that sometimes the medicine is worse than the illness. But it seems that for some, the end justifies the means. Who cares how many lives are ruined if just one is saved?
This might be a good time to remind liberals, though, that their hands aren't clean when it comes to protests. What group regularly dresses up in vagina costumes or those ridiculous pink "pussy" hats and listens to speeches like Ashley Judd's infamous "I'm a nasty woman" remarks? They're the ones who want to call out Republicans for their rallies? Kentucky females should be inspired by Maddox and repulsed by Judd.
And, who was it who grabbed a megaphone and addressed teachers during a raucus (and illegal) sickout protest inside the Capitol last winter? That would be then-Attorney General Andy Beshear. Has he forgotten his own actions of just a little more than a year ago?
House Democrats are criticizing Maddox for having her picture made at an earlier date with one of the protestors who hanged Beshear in effigy. Where were they when Gov. Beshear posed with a group of cross-dressers who are part of an organization that mocks people of faith? The same governor who proclaims that his faith dictates that he wear a mask in public to protect others while he allowed abortion clinics to run wide-open as he closed down other medical facilities by fiat? Remember, for two months, a woman couldn't get her eyes examined for glasses or have her teeth cleaned, but she could kill her unborn baby.
The complaints by Beshear's gangsters ring hollow. Maddox, Kim King, David Hale, Stan Lee, and other legislators who attended or spoke at rallies prior to May 24 said nothing provocative or out of line. And none of them were participants in the controversial events on Memorial Day weekend.
"Dissent for me, but not for thee." That seems to be the new slogan of the Beshearites. It's perfectly fine for them to protest things they don't like, but no else else can dare to question their leader.
The temperature just took a huge dip in hell, because Hillary Clinton actually said something of merit. We do have a right to debate and disagree with any administration. Particularly one that's acted with indifference as it's laid waste to Kentucky's economy and the lives and livelihoods of its residents. Stand strong, Savannah Maddox. Keep fighting for Kentuckians. You're on the side of the angels.
Now, more than a decade later, it appears Democrats don't believe that Republicans have the right to challenge their policies.
Prior to a controversial rally held on the Capitol grounds in Frankfort on Sunday, May 24, at least three other events had been held by those opposed to the way Gov. Andy Beshear has responded to the coronavirus/COVID-19 (otherwise known as the "kung flu" Wuhan Chinese virus) situation. At some of those rallies, a handful of Republican legislators were in attendance, and some of them spoke.
There was nothing controversial in their remarks. Nothing incendiary. Not an inappropriate word. They spoke the truth. And the truth is that the business shutdowns ordered by the governor have caused major problems for thousands of Kentuckians. Businesses have been closed, and a number of them are permanently closed. Workers have lost their jobs, again many on a permanent basis, and many are having problems getting their unemployment benefits. Some estimates place our unemployment rate at 40 percent, which is said to be tops in the nation. As a result of these closures and layoffs, the state is starving for tax revenue to fund essential services.
This state is in trouble. It didn't have to be that way. But we're in this situation due to the orders of one official, and those who disagree with his decisions have every right to make their views known. And up until last Sunday, they had done so in a rational and respectful manner.
No elected officials were in attendance at the May 24 rally that resulted in the protest moving to the grounds of the Governor's Mansion, or of the hanging of Gov. Beshear in effigy on the Capitol lawn. The political candidates who attended the rally had no idea that the effigy incident would take place, and most of the attendees had already left when that occurred.
But that didn't stop Beshear from casting blame for the incident on the legislators who had spoken at previous rallies. "You cannot fan the flames and then condemn the fire," he said on Tuesday.
Oh, really? How is offering legitimate criticism of your policies and decisions that have wrecked the state's economy fanning flames? Do you expect the people who have been harmed by your executive orders to just sit idly, silently by while their livelihoods and life's dreams evaporate? Are they supposed to say, "Thank you sir, may I have another?" How can you not expect people to be upset? Are you that out of touch and tone-deaf?
The hanging in effigy was over the top, to be sure, but it's not unprecedented in American history. And there's no fence around the Governor's Mansion, such as there is at the White House, to keep the public away. The governor and his family may not have been there at the time, but even if they were, that's not private property. It's a government building.
Most of the governor's ire, and that of leading Democrats, seems to be pointed at State. Rep. Savannah Maddox, who's a rising star in Kentucky conservative circles. She addressed the crowd during one of the earlier rallies and has emerged as one of the leading critics of the economic ramifications of the "kung flu" response. But since Democrats can't abide any criticism of the governor, since he's nobly trying to save lives, they've turned on Maddox, demanding that Republican leadership censure her.
One thing they've seized on is a tweet she sent long before she was elected. In that post, she noted that many didn't regard Barack Obama as a true black because his father was from Africa and hadn't experienced the racial segregation and discrimination that American blacks have endured for years. For that, they've branded her a racist.
Funny thing. She was echoing some the exact same criticisms levied by blacks such as Al Sharpton back during the 2008 presidential campaign. A black columnist for the Los Angeles Times named David Ehrenstein pointed this out, using the phrase "magic Negro" (something falsely attributed to Rush Limbaugh since he promoted a parody song called "Barack the Magic Negro" that was set to the tune of "Puff the Magic Dragon.") As in many cases, no one cares who has the initial thought, but don't anyone else dare repeat it, or you're a racist or a bigot.
Beshear, Lt. Gov. Jackie Coleman, and House Democrats are trying to turn the protests into a partisan thing, but that's another falsehood. Beshear has taken most of his shutdown cues from Ohio Gov. Mike DeWine, a Republican, and there have been a number of protests in the Buckeye State as well, some boosted by Republican legislators or legislative candidates. The opposition to the economic strangulation is based not on party affiliation, but a recognition that sometimes the medicine is worse than the illness. But it seems that for some, the end justifies the means. Who cares how many lives are ruined if just one is saved?
This might be a good time to remind liberals, though, that their hands aren't clean when it comes to protests. What group regularly dresses up in vagina costumes or those ridiculous pink "pussy" hats and listens to speeches like Ashley Judd's infamous "I'm a nasty woman" remarks? They're the ones who want to call out Republicans for their rallies? Kentucky females should be inspired by Maddox and repulsed by Judd.
And, who was it who grabbed a megaphone and addressed teachers during a raucus (and illegal) sickout protest inside the Capitol last winter? That would be then-Attorney General Andy Beshear. Has he forgotten his own actions of just a little more than a year ago?
House Democrats are criticizing Maddox for having her picture made at an earlier date with one of the protestors who hanged Beshear in effigy. Where were they when Gov. Beshear posed with a group of cross-dressers who are part of an organization that mocks people of faith? The same governor who proclaims that his faith dictates that he wear a mask in public to protect others while he allowed abortion clinics to run wide-open as he closed down other medical facilities by fiat? Remember, for two months, a woman couldn't get her eyes examined for glasses or have her teeth cleaned, but she could kill her unborn baby.
The complaints by Beshear's gangsters ring hollow. Maddox, Kim King, David Hale, Stan Lee, and other legislators who attended or spoke at rallies prior to May 24 said nothing provocative or out of line. And none of them were participants in the controversial events on Memorial Day weekend.
"Dissent for me, but not for thee." That seems to be the new slogan of the Beshearites. It's perfectly fine for them to protest things they don't like, but no else else can dare to question their leader.
The temperature just took a huge dip in hell, because Hillary Clinton actually said something of merit. We do have a right to debate and disagree with any administration. Particularly one that's acted with indifference as it's laid waste to Kentucky's economy and the lives and livelihoods of its residents. Stand strong, Savannah Maddox. Keep fighting for Kentuckians. You're on the side of the angels.
Wednesday, May 27, 2020
Chasing down rumors in the age of stenography
As someone with two degrees in journalism, and someone who worked as a newspaper reporter and editor for nearly 15 years, I believe I'm as well-qualified as anyone to critique the news industry. Even before my ideological awakening in the 1990s, the biases inherent in most news coverage were apparent. Once I became aware of what to look for, it's even more obvious.
When you look at the way the mainstream press treats Democrats and liberals, as opposed to Republicans and conservatives, how can you not conclude that the mainstream press plays favorites and has an agenda? The ongoing coronavirus situation has provided ample proof.
Even before the "kung flu" Wuhan Chinese virus became a factor, it was noticeable. Contrast how the Washington press corp treated Barack Obama and the way it treats Donald Trump. Or in Kentucky, look at how Ernie Fletcher and Matt Bevin were scrutinized vs. the coverage of Steve and Andy Beshear.
For several weeks, with only a few exceptions, Gov. Andy Beshear has conducted a daily briefing and press conference. He gets free air time all across Kentucky on multiple television stations. A handful of reporters are present. After the governor leads everyone in a ritualistic chant of "We will get through this; we will get through this together," rah-rahs and praises those who are taking his orders and recommendations to heart, gives a briefing on new COVID-19 cases, and has staffers give updates on connected issues such as unemployment filings, he takes questions from the smattering of reporters in the room. There's always a deferential air from the press corps. There are no raised voices, no hostility, no "gotcha" questions -- no hard questions at all, really. The assembled "journalists" are really acting as little more than stenographers, relaying the governor's message unchallenged.
When you see members of the press adding phrases like "Stay Home" or putting cute little mask emojis in their Twitter handles, or urging viewers to "stay healthy at home" when they sign out of newscasts, you know they aren't interested in questioning the government, but instead acting as adjunct press secretaries.
Contrast that with the briefings and press conferences held by President Trump. Reporters are hostile. They're antagonistic. They shout and yell. They raise questions on subjects totally unrelated to the coronavirus. They do not behave in a respectful manner. The White House correspondents certainly don't act like their Frankfort counterparts. Is it possible that the political party of the executive has something to do with it?
Remember how former Gov. Bevin was treated by the press? He certainly didn't get the respect that Andy Beshear is getting. Even now, with Bevin out of office, reporters seem to take a perverse joy in attacking him.
Since Gov. Beshear ordered businesses closed, instituted travel bans and prohibitions on gatherings, criticized other states for not closing up shop the way we've been made to do, and told Kentuckians to stay home unless absolutely necessary, at least three troublesome rumors have circulated. One of them seems to have some evidence to back it up, but the other two are merely speculation at this point. You'd think a competent and attentive press corps would ask him to address them, but so far nothing from the Joe Sonkas or Daniel Desrochers or Phil Pendletons of the world.
The first incident happened a few weeks ago, when various reports circulated that a state police detail took Beshear's daughter from the Governor's Mansion in Frankfort to a friend's house on Brownsboro Road in Louisville for a play date. This was at the height of the "Healthy at Home" edict when people were being told not to interact with others outside their households for social reasons. Indeed, the noncompliance reporting logs are full of entries of children from different households playing together.
The second incident centers on the controversial Memorial Day weekend rallies at the Capitol and Governor's Mansion. Even as protestors approached the mansion, it was being said that the governor and his family were not home at the time. Rumors swirled that they were vacationing in Florida; this after he had been frequently urging Kentuckians not to travel out of state to places that had reopened at a faster pace. Beshear stated in his briefing Tuesday, the first one after the incident, that his family was not home at the time, but he didn't say where they were, and no reporter bothered to ask where they were.
Finally, late last week, the state unveiled plans for restarting youth sports activities. Like most of the guidelines for reopening, they are limited with onerous restrictions. Included in the rules for youth baseball were admonishments against the popular travel baseball and softball teams that go to other cities, counties, and even states. Some intrepid online sleuth found out that not only is Beshear's son a member of a traveling baseball team based out of Louisville, but the squad is scheduled to play in Indiana later this summer.
Surely, with these rumors floating hot and heavy over social media, the press would ask the governor about them, right? Nope. Instead, they recently chased down an unfounded and unsubstantiated rumor that Bevin had fathered a child with one of his former staff members -- a rumor that was pushed (if not started) by the members of the pro-Beshear, anti-Bevin KY 120 United teachers group. This is the group, remember, that organized the illegal teacher sickouts to protest the efforts to preserve educators' pensions.
If the governor is constantly saying, "you can't be doing that," yet is doing the things he says others shouldn't do, would it not be incumbent upon the press to ask about those things? If reporters heard, and wrote about, the Bevin affair, surely they've heard the rumors about Beshear's hypocritical acts. Which is more newsworthy? A scurrilous personal rumor about a former elected official, or the possibility of the current governor adopting a "do as I say not as I do" philosophy?
But as long as the press corps acts as stenographers for the governor, answers won't be forthcoming. It may take citizen journalists filing open records requests for details about travel records to determine if state personnel took the governor's daughter to Louisville to play with a friend, or if a state aircraft and personnel were used to fly the governor's family to Florida. And even then, the press can't be counted on to do anything with the information others may obtain. During the Ernie Fletcher administration, bloggers uncovered evidence showing bias in the prosecution of him and his aides. Evidence of a compromised grand jury was known by the journalists of the time, yet they did nothing to bring that news to a wide audience. Only those of us who kept up with things through alternative sources knew.
In the meantime, we can expect the mainstream media to cheerlead for and relay every word uttered by Gov. Beshear and his staffers without question, while at the same time challenging everything said and done by President Trump and his administration. In this day and age of what everyone calls "the new normal," the old normal perseveres when it shouldn't.
When you look at the way the mainstream press treats Democrats and liberals, as opposed to Republicans and conservatives, how can you not conclude that the mainstream press plays favorites and has an agenda? The ongoing coronavirus situation has provided ample proof.
Even before the "kung flu" Wuhan Chinese virus became a factor, it was noticeable. Contrast how the Washington press corp treated Barack Obama and the way it treats Donald Trump. Or in Kentucky, look at how Ernie Fletcher and Matt Bevin were scrutinized vs. the coverage of Steve and Andy Beshear.
For several weeks, with only a few exceptions, Gov. Andy Beshear has conducted a daily briefing and press conference. He gets free air time all across Kentucky on multiple television stations. A handful of reporters are present. After the governor leads everyone in a ritualistic chant of "We will get through this; we will get through this together," rah-rahs and praises those who are taking his orders and recommendations to heart, gives a briefing on new COVID-19 cases, and has staffers give updates on connected issues such as unemployment filings, he takes questions from the smattering of reporters in the room. There's always a deferential air from the press corps. There are no raised voices, no hostility, no "gotcha" questions -- no hard questions at all, really. The assembled "journalists" are really acting as little more than stenographers, relaying the governor's message unchallenged.
When you see members of the press adding phrases like "Stay Home" or putting cute little mask emojis in their Twitter handles, or urging viewers to "stay healthy at home" when they sign out of newscasts, you know they aren't interested in questioning the government, but instead acting as adjunct press secretaries.
Contrast that with the briefings and press conferences held by President Trump. Reporters are hostile. They're antagonistic. They shout and yell. They raise questions on subjects totally unrelated to the coronavirus. They do not behave in a respectful manner. The White House correspondents certainly don't act like their Frankfort counterparts. Is it possible that the political party of the executive has something to do with it?
Remember how former Gov. Bevin was treated by the press? He certainly didn't get the respect that Andy Beshear is getting. Even now, with Bevin out of office, reporters seem to take a perverse joy in attacking him.
Since Gov. Beshear ordered businesses closed, instituted travel bans and prohibitions on gatherings, criticized other states for not closing up shop the way we've been made to do, and told Kentuckians to stay home unless absolutely necessary, at least three troublesome rumors have circulated. One of them seems to have some evidence to back it up, but the other two are merely speculation at this point. You'd think a competent and attentive press corps would ask him to address them, but so far nothing from the Joe Sonkas or Daniel Desrochers or Phil Pendletons of the world.
The first incident happened a few weeks ago, when various reports circulated that a state police detail took Beshear's daughter from the Governor's Mansion in Frankfort to a friend's house on Brownsboro Road in Louisville for a play date. This was at the height of the "Healthy at Home" edict when people were being told not to interact with others outside their households for social reasons. Indeed, the noncompliance reporting logs are full of entries of children from different households playing together.
The second incident centers on the controversial Memorial Day weekend rallies at the Capitol and Governor's Mansion. Even as protestors approached the mansion, it was being said that the governor and his family were not home at the time. Rumors swirled that they were vacationing in Florida; this after he had been frequently urging Kentuckians not to travel out of state to places that had reopened at a faster pace. Beshear stated in his briefing Tuesday, the first one after the incident, that his family was not home at the time, but he didn't say where they were, and no reporter bothered to ask where they were.
Finally, late last week, the state unveiled plans for restarting youth sports activities. Like most of the guidelines for reopening, they are limited with onerous restrictions. Included in the rules for youth baseball were admonishments against the popular travel baseball and softball teams that go to other cities, counties, and even states. Some intrepid online sleuth found out that not only is Beshear's son a member of a traveling baseball team based out of Louisville, but the squad is scheduled to play in Indiana later this summer.
Surely, with these rumors floating hot and heavy over social media, the press would ask the governor about them, right? Nope. Instead, they recently chased down an unfounded and unsubstantiated rumor that Bevin had fathered a child with one of his former staff members -- a rumor that was pushed (if not started) by the members of the pro-Beshear, anti-Bevin KY 120 United teachers group. This is the group, remember, that organized the illegal teacher sickouts to protest the efforts to preserve educators' pensions.
If the governor is constantly saying, "you can't be doing that," yet is doing the things he says others shouldn't do, would it not be incumbent upon the press to ask about those things? If reporters heard, and wrote about, the Bevin affair, surely they've heard the rumors about Beshear's hypocritical acts. Which is more newsworthy? A scurrilous personal rumor about a former elected official, or the possibility of the current governor adopting a "do as I say not as I do" philosophy?
But as long as the press corps acts as stenographers for the governor, answers won't be forthcoming. It may take citizen journalists filing open records requests for details about travel records to determine if state personnel took the governor's daughter to Louisville to play with a friend, or if a state aircraft and personnel were used to fly the governor's family to Florida. And even then, the press can't be counted on to do anything with the information others may obtain. During the Ernie Fletcher administration, bloggers uncovered evidence showing bias in the prosecution of him and his aides. Evidence of a compromised grand jury was known by the journalists of the time, yet they did nothing to bring that news to a wide audience. Only those of us who kept up with things through alternative sources knew.
In the meantime, we can expect the mainstream media to cheerlead for and relay every word uttered by Gov. Beshear and his staffers without question, while at the same time challenging everything said and done by President Trump and his administration. In this day and age of what everyone calls "the new normal," the old normal perseveres when it shouldn't.
Tuesday, January 21, 2020
Neglect of valuable assets hurts eastern Kentucky's economy
There's an ongoing discussion on the best way to improve the economy in some of eastern Kentucky's smaller, more distressed counties.
Some prefer a more traditional approach involving manufacturing and other familiar means. Others are advocates for tourism, particularly what's called "adventure tourism," as the best way forward to provide jobs and pump dollars into local coffers.
The debates over subjects such as allowing all-terrain vehicles on public roads, Sunday alcohol sales, and the possible development of a resort near Natural Bridge State Resort Park and the Red River Gorge have caused some hard feelings to emerge between proponents and opponents of those proposals.
Something needs to be done. All the media reports of a booming economy sound like fake news to many residents of the foothills and mountains. We're still waiting for the good times to arrive here. Our unemployment rates still run above national and state averages, our wages are still lower than what others earn, and prices for consumer goods like gasoline and grocery are much higher in our small towns and rural counties than they are elsewhere. We don't begrudge our friends and neighbors in the bigger cities their success. It's not a zero-sum game. There's plenty to go around. We'd just like to have a taste of it ourselves.
No matter which path local leaders take, this region has a couple of valuable assets already in place that could benefit both a production-based or tourism-based economy. Unfortunately, both of those assets are suffering from neglect and likely can never be used to their full potential.
What are they? The railroad and the river. Both have played vital roles in this area's past. But unless something's done soon, they are going to become only historical artifacts. One's pretty much already there; the other appears well on the way.
First, let's look at the railroad. The old L&N line was a major factor in the past success of the region. The railroad provided lots of jobs for people all the way from Winchester to Whitesburg. Although passenger service was long gone, the line remained a vital link from the mountains to the flatlands, with tons of coal being hauled well into the 2000s. Things have changed. The Kentucky River line has basically been mothballed. Most of the tracks in the yard in Estill County have been removed. CSX Transportation, which bought out L&N a few decades ago, is now using the tracks to store old rail cars that will eventually be cut up for scrap metal. What coal is being hauled out of the mountains now goes up the line paralleling the Big Sandy River, via a connection CSX made in Letcher County between the old L&N and C&O lines. Many of the historic depots have been torn down. CSX continues to maintain the tracks, but they aren't seeing any use other than when junk cars are hauled out and more are brought in to take their place.
The railroad could play a big part in both a production economy and a tourism economy. Not as much coal is being mined these days, but loggers are still cutting plenty of timber in the hills. Log trucks are notorious for tearing up highways. What if logs were moved by rail instead of highway? The new methods of petroleum drilling haven't made it to eastern Kentucky the way it has in neighboring West Virginia, but there's no reason oil or liquefied natural gas couldn't be moved by rail as well should there be another oil boom such as the area experienced in the early 1900s and again in the 1970s and 80s.
There's been talk of establishing tourist trains to take visitors from the Bluegrass area into the mountains. The opening of the Kentucky Rail Heritage Center in Ravenna ties into that idea nicely. Restoration of the existing depot buildings such as the one still standing in Beattyville could allow for a place for such an excursion train to stop on its way to Jackson, Hazard, and beyond. Imagine a passenger train heading into the hills, meeting a train still carrying coal or timber? It would be the best of both worlds, with railroad tourists revisiting the past while seeing that the rail line can remain a vital commercial link.
While the railroad is salvageable, the Kentucky River is beyond hope. The locks and dams that once made the river navigable up to and a bit beyond the spot where the North and South Forks meet in Beattyville have been closed, and in many cases, sealed. None of the locks beyond Frankfort are operational, and it's doubtful they could ever be put back in working order. Decades of malignant neglect, first by the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers and later the Commonwealth of Kentucky, rendered one of the area's great assets useless.
There were great hopes for Beattyville shortly after Lee County was founded in 1870. History books tell of grand dreams in which the town would become a natural resource capital and grow to possibly be the size of New York or Boston. Although loggers floated timber down the river to downstream mills, the hopes of growth for the town at the beginning of the river's main stem never materialized.
Now, it would be impossible not only for anything to be shipped downriver, but also for tourists to make the journey. Passenger boats are unable to make their way from the confluence down through the Palisades to the Ohio. Back before the locks were closed, a group of river advocates used to make an annual journey from Beattyville down to Frankfort to bring awareness to the stream's value to the communities through which it passes. Now, boats can only ply the pools in which they're launched.
There's a great tourist market that's gone forever unless the state somehow opens the locks back up. Imagine boarding a boat in Beattyville and heading through the rural countryside until you reach Irvine, then continuing on past historic Boonesborough, Clays Ferry and Valley View, Camp Nelson, the Wild Turkey distillery, tthrough the Palisades and under High Bridge, until you arrive at the capital city. Or how about the trip in reverse? Folks from the Bluegrass could take a boat tour along the river and end up at its origin, enjoying the views and the history made along the stream.
The state still operates the locks between Frankfort and Carrollton -- is anyone surprised -- but everything beyond Lock 5 near Lawrenceburg isn't really a river anymore, but instead is a series of long, narrow lakes. Kayakers and canoe operators can take their crafts out of the water and walk around most of the dams, but those in bigger boats are stuck where they are unless they want to load their boats up on their trailers and drive to a launching ramp in the next pool.
The river and the railroad are valuable assets for the communities through which they pass. Full use is probably gone forever for one of them. Locals need to fight to ensure the other remains viable. Surely, no matter what avenue we want our economic future to travel, all can agree that the river and the railroad are worthy of use and preservation.
Some prefer a more traditional approach involving manufacturing and other familiar means. Others are advocates for tourism, particularly what's called "adventure tourism," as the best way forward to provide jobs and pump dollars into local coffers.
The debates over subjects such as allowing all-terrain vehicles on public roads, Sunday alcohol sales, and the possible development of a resort near Natural Bridge State Resort Park and the Red River Gorge have caused some hard feelings to emerge between proponents and opponents of those proposals.
Something needs to be done. All the media reports of a booming economy sound like fake news to many residents of the foothills and mountains. We're still waiting for the good times to arrive here. Our unemployment rates still run above national and state averages, our wages are still lower than what others earn, and prices for consumer goods like gasoline and grocery are much higher in our small towns and rural counties than they are elsewhere. We don't begrudge our friends and neighbors in the bigger cities their success. It's not a zero-sum game. There's plenty to go around. We'd just like to have a taste of it ourselves.
No matter which path local leaders take, this region has a couple of valuable assets already in place that could benefit both a production-based or tourism-based economy. Unfortunately, both of those assets are suffering from neglect and likely can never be used to their full potential.
What are they? The railroad and the river. Both have played vital roles in this area's past. But unless something's done soon, they are going to become only historical artifacts. One's pretty much already there; the other appears well on the way.
First, let's look at the railroad. The old L&N line was a major factor in the past success of the region. The railroad provided lots of jobs for people all the way from Winchester to Whitesburg. Although passenger service was long gone, the line remained a vital link from the mountains to the flatlands, with tons of coal being hauled well into the 2000s. Things have changed. The Kentucky River line has basically been mothballed. Most of the tracks in the yard in Estill County have been removed. CSX Transportation, which bought out L&N a few decades ago, is now using the tracks to store old rail cars that will eventually be cut up for scrap metal. What coal is being hauled out of the mountains now goes up the line paralleling the Big Sandy River, via a connection CSX made in Letcher County between the old L&N and C&O lines. Many of the historic depots have been torn down. CSX continues to maintain the tracks, but they aren't seeing any use other than when junk cars are hauled out and more are brought in to take their place.
The railroad could play a big part in both a production economy and a tourism economy. Not as much coal is being mined these days, but loggers are still cutting plenty of timber in the hills. Log trucks are notorious for tearing up highways. What if logs were moved by rail instead of highway? The new methods of petroleum drilling haven't made it to eastern Kentucky the way it has in neighboring West Virginia, but there's no reason oil or liquefied natural gas couldn't be moved by rail as well should there be another oil boom such as the area experienced in the early 1900s and again in the 1970s and 80s.
There's been talk of establishing tourist trains to take visitors from the Bluegrass area into the mountains. The opening of the Kentucky Rail Heritage Center in Ravenna ties into that idea nicely. Restoration of the existing depot buildings such as the one still standing in Beattyville could allow for a place for such an excursion train to stop on its way to Jackson, Hazard, and beyond. Imagine a passenger train heading into the hills, meeting a train still carrying coal or timber? It would be the best of both worlds, with railroad tourists revisiting the past while seeing that the rail line can remain a vital commercial link.
While the railroad is salvageable, the Kentucky River is beyond hope. The locks and dams that once made the river navigable up to and a bit beyond the spot where the North and South Forks meet in Beattyville have been closed, and in many cases, sealed. None of the locks beyond Frankfort are operational, and it's doubtful they could ever be put back in working order. Decades of malignant neglect, first by the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers and later the Commonwealth of Kentucky, rendered one of the area's great assets useless.
There were great hopes for Beattyville shortly after Lee County was founded in 1870. History books tell of grand dreams in which the town would become a natural resource capital and grow to possibly be the size of New York or Boston. Although loggers floated timber down the river to downstream mills, the hopes of growth for the town at the beginning of the river's main stem never materialized.
Now, it would be impossible not only for anything to be shipped downriver, but also for tourists to make the journey. Passenger boats are unable to make their way from the confluence down through the Palisades to the Ohio. Back before the locks were closed, a group of river advocates used to make an annual journey from Beattyville down to Frankfort to bring awareness to the stream's value to the communities through which it passes. Now, boats can only ply the pools in which they're launched.
There's a great tourist market that's gone forever unless the state somehow opens the locks back up. Imagine boarding a boat in Beattyville and heading through the rural countryside until you reach Irvine, then continuing on past historic Boonesborough, Clays Ferry and Valley View, Camp Nelson, the Wild Turkey distillery, tthrough the Palisades and under High Bridge, until you arrive at the capital city. Or how about the trip in reverse? Folks from the Bluegrass could take a boat tour along the river and end up at its origin, enjoying the views and the history made along the stream.
The state still operates the locks between Frankfort and Carrollton -- is anyone surprised -- but everything beyond Lock 5 near Lawrenceburg isn't really a river anymore, but instead is a series of long, narrow lakes. Kayakers and canoe operators can take their crafts out of the water and walk around most of the dams, but those in bigger boats are stuck where they are unless they want to load their boats up on their trailers and drive to a launching ramp in the next pool.
The river and the railroad are valuable assets for the communities through which they pass. Full use is probably gone forever for one of them. Locals need to fight to ensure the other remains viable. Surely, no matter what avenue we want our economic future to travel, all can agree that the river and the railroad are worthy of use and preservation.
Thursday, January 16, 2020
Pitching the tent for Act 2 of the DC circus
Those of us with discernment have long recognized the impeachment proceedings against President Trump for what they are: A partisan attempt by the Democrats to oust a president they know will be difficult, if not impossible, to beat in this year's election. Why else would many in that party have been looking for ways to impeach him even before he took office? And they chose to use the claims of a "deep state" federal employee who disagrees with his superiors' policies as the impetus to push this laughable move to subvert the will of the American electorate.
After the urgency with which the House Democrats moved the articles, saying Trump was a danger to American security and needed to be removed from office, they proved themselves to be hypocrites as Nancy Pelosi refused to hand them over to the Senate for action until she got certain concessions on how the trial would be conducted.
We've been told over and over again how the impeachment process was similar to grand jury proceedings, and that the impeachment is akin to an indictment. If that's the case, then Pelosi's shenanigans are no different than a grand jury foreman demanding that a trial be conducted according to his or her wishes.
Pelosi finally had to abandon her demands, but her ploy may have backfired. Developments change nearly daily in the matter, but as of now it appears that Mitch McConnell and the Senate Republicans may acquiesce to the Democrats' demands that additional witnesses who weren't heard during the House hearings be called during the trial, but with the caveat that Republicans can call their own witnesses. "Tit for tat," it's been described.
This is actually brilliant. If John Bolton or Mike Mulvaney are going to testify, then why not Joe Biden? After all, the whole thing started when Trump called for an investigation into Biden withholding U.S. funding to Ukraine until a prosecutor who was investigating his son was fired.
Funny how that works. Biden gets no scrutiny for his role in withholding American money -- in fact, this country's left and their accomplices in the mainstream media have defended that act -- yet somehow Trump's a bad guy because he supposedly withheld American money until Biden's actions were addressed.
And how about Eric Ciaramella, the all-but-acknowledged whistleblower whose complaints about Trump got this whole process underway? Shouldn't he be required to give an accounting of himself and why he felt Trump's acts were wrong?
Why not call Adam Schiff? It doesn't matter that he's one of the House managers for the trial. Prosecutors can also be witnesses, and there's evidence that Ciaramella coordinated his complaint with Schiff. Why did he go beyond any reasonable role a whistleblower might take and actively consult with a congressman who could push for impeachment?
The idea that this is anything akin to a criminal trial is absurd. Think back to the trial of Bill Clinton. There were no witnesses, only advocates. No evidence was presented. It was a foregone conclusion that there were not 67 votes in the Senate to remove Clinton, but Trent Lott rigged the process to guarantee that outcome. Had it been a real trial, Monica Lewinsky's semen-stained dress would have been Exhibit 1 for the prosecution. Democrats were happy with not having a real trial back then. Why have they changed their minds?
Be careful what you wish for, Democrats. You just might get it. Impeachment is a political process, not a legal one. There's no possibility of Trump being removed from office. Even if some of the spineless Republicans like Mitt Romney, Lisa Murkowski, or Susan Collins join the Democrats, there's no way they can get to a two-thirds majority to oust him. No one's mind will be changed in the Senate trial. In fact, the process has galvanized Trump's supporters in the electorate. Media reports stated that fully half of the crowd at his recent raucous Toledo, Ohio, rally was Democrats or independents. If anything, the impeachment and ongoing persecution of Trump has turned him into a victim.
If Democrats really want him out of office, there's an election this year. But they are increasingly coming to realize they don't have a candidate who can topple the incumbent. The socialism of Bernie Sanders and Fauxcahontas Warren, the bumbling corruption of Joe Biden, the warped views on spirituality and morality of Pete Buttigieg -- none of that can compete with a booming economy, new trade deals that benefit Americans first, withdrawals from one-sided treaties that don't advance American interests, and a foreign policy that targets terrorists while trying to cut back on American involvement around the globe and asking other nations to pull their own weight.
There's an added bonus to the trial's timing. Candidates such as Sens. Sanders, Warren, Amy Kloubachar, and Michael Bennet will have to decide whether they want to return to Washington to sit as jurors, or if they want to remain on the campaign trail as the Iowa caucuses and several primaries approach. The trial may take six days a week for as long as six weeks, longer if additional witnesses are called, so those senators face a dilemma. Do they allow Biden, the perceived front-runner, to maintain his lead or Buttigieg to make up ground? Or do Sanders and Warren in particular decide to forego the trial for their presidential aspirations?
As anti-climactic as the trial results are going to be, the event itself is worthy of the Big Top. The whole affair has been one big circus, and Act 2 may provide plenty of entertainment, even if the outcome isn't in doubt. Ladies and gentlemen, and children of all ages, let the show begin.
After the urgency with which the House Democrats moved the articles, saying Trump was a danger to American security and needed to be removed from office, they proved themselves to be hypocrites as Nancy Pelosi refused to hand them over to the Senate for action until she got certain concessions on how the trial would be conducted.
We've been told over and over again how the impeachment process was similar to grand jury proceedings, and that the impeachment is akin to an indictment. If that's the case, then Pelosi's shenanigans are no different than a grand jury foreman demanding that a trial be conducted according to his or her wishes.
Pelosi finally had to abandon her demands, but her ploy may have backfired. Developments change nearly daily in the matter, but as of now it appears that Mitch McConnell and the Senate Republicans may acquiesce to the Democrats' demands that additional witnesses who weren't heard during the House hearings be called during the trial, but with the caveat that Republicans can call their own witnesses. "Tit for tat," it's been described.
This is actually brilliant. If John Bolton or Mike Mulvaney are going to testify, then why not Joe Biden? After all, the whole thing started when Trump called for an investigation into Biden withholding U.S. funding to Ukraine until a prosecutor who was investigating his son was fired.
Funny how that works. Biden gets no scrutiny for his role in withholding American money -- in fact, this country's left and their accomplices in the mainstream media have defended that act -- yet somehow Trump's a bad guy because he supposedly withheld American money until Biden's actions were addressed.
And how about Eric Ciaramella, the all-but-acknowledged whistleblower whose complaints about Trump got this whole process underway? Shouldn't he be required to give an accounting of himself and why he felt Trump's acts were wrong?
Why not call Adam Schiff? It doesn't matter that he's one of the House managers for the trial. Prosecutors can also be witnesses, and there's evidence that Ciaramella coordinated his complaint with Schiff. Why did he go beyond any reasonable role a whistleblower might take and actively consult with a congressman who could push for impeachment?
The idea that this is anything akin to a criminal trial is absurd. Think back to the trial of Bill Clinton. There were no witnesses, only advocates. No evidence was presented. It was a foregone conclusion that there were not 67 votes in the Senate to remove Clinton, but Trent Lott rigged the process to guarantee that outcome. Had it been a real trial, Monica Lewinsky's semen-stained dress would have been Exhibit 1 for the prosecution. Democrats were happy with not having a real trial back then. Why have they changed their minds?
Be careful what you wish for, Democrats. You just might get it. Impeachment is a political process, not a legal one. There's no possibility of Trump being removed from office. Even if some of the spineless Republicans like Mitt Romney, Lisa Murkowski, or Susan Collins join the Democrats, there's no way they can get to a two-thirds majority to oust him. No one's mind will be changed in the Senate trial. In fact, the process has galvanized Trump's supporters in the electorate. Media reports stated that fully half of the crowd at his recent raucous Toledo, Ohio, rally was Democrats or independents. If anything, the impeachment and ongoing persecution of Trump has turned him into a victim.
If Democrats really want him out of office, there's an election this year. But they are increasingly coming to realize they don't have a candidate who can topple the incumbent. The socialism of Bernie Sanders and Fauxcahontas Warren, the bumbling corruption of Joe Biden, the warped views on spirituality and morality of Pete Buttigieg -- none of that can compete with a booming economy, new trade deals that benefit Americans first, withdrawals from one-sided treaties that don't advance American interests, and a foreign policy that targets terrorists while trying to cut back on American involvement around the globe and asking other nations to pull their own weight.
There's an added bonus to the trial's timing. Candidates such as Sens. Sanders, Warren, Amy Kloubachar, and Michael Bennet will have to decide whether they want to return to Washington to sit as jurors, or if they want to remain on the campaign trail as the Iowa caucuses and several primaries approach. The trial may take six days a week for as long as six weeks, longer if additional witnesses are called, so those senators face a dilemma. Do they allow Biden, the perceived front-runner, to maintain his lead or Buttigieg to make up ground? Or do Sanders and Warren in particular decide to forego the trial for their presidential aspirations?
As anti-climactic as the trial results are going to be, the event itself is worthy of the Big Top. The whole affair has been one big circus, and Act 2 may provide plenty of entertainment, even if the outcome isn't in doubt. Ladies and gentlemen, and children of all ages, let the show begin.
Tuesday, January 7, 2020
New candidate filing deadline does a disservice to Kentucky voters
For years, one of the biggest complaints Kentuckians have had about the deadline for filing to run for seats in the state legislature was that it came too early in the General Assembly's biennial (now 60-day) session.
With the filing deadline in late January, but with the legislature not adjourning until April 15, most of the session occurred after senators and representatives knew whether or not they would have opposition. This, the reasoning went, gave them cover to vote on unpopular bills, knowing they wouldn't draw an opponent in the primary.
So what did the legislature do? Instead of pushing the filing deadline back until later in the session, they moved it up. Previously, the deadline was the last Tuesday in January, which was still far too early. Now, candidates have to file by the first Friday following the first Monday in January as a result of Senate Bill 60 passed by the General Assembly last year. . This year, that's Jan. 10.
This means that practically the entire 60-day legislative session will play out after legislators know whether or not they are guaranteed renomination. That gives legislators even more time to pass bad bills.
And plenty of them will be forthcoming. There are numerous anti-Second Amendment measures that have been prefiled, including some with bipartisan support. There's a proposal to increase the state sales tax to 8 percent. And no doubt, there will be another effort to increase Kentucky's gas tax, which -- sadly -- has been championed by some GOP representatives as well as so-called conservative groups like the Kentucky Chamber of Commerce.
Back before Kentucky adopted annual legislative sessions, an oft-heard bromide was that the state would be better off if the General Assembly met for two days every 60 years instead of 60 days every two years. The less time the legislature's in session, the less damage it can do to your freedoms and your paycheck.
Now, the Republicans who hold the majority in both chambers will have even more time to wreak havoc and work mischief to the detriment of the state's taxpayers. If the deadline had been pushed back to the end of the session, legislators would have to look over their shoulders with every vote, fearful of angering constituents and attracting an opponent.
Under the new system, the field of candidates will be set before the first week of the 2020 session concludes. This doesn't bode well for those of us who saw what happened two years ago with the services tax, which outraged voters in both parties. Would the Senate and House of Representatives have overridden former Gov. Matt Bevin's veto if members had known it might make them vulnerable to a primary challenge? Possibly not -- which may be why they moved the deadline up. Incumbents are usually all about self-protection, and this is another good example.
I don't recall any discussion on this legislation when it was under consideration, and I certainly never heard any good arguments for its passage. What was the rationale? This move is a disservice to Kentucky voters and taxpayers. In the end, it provides yet another good example of how the GOP's "new majority" in the legislature hasn't been the huge success we hoped for when we finally flipped the House and gave Republicans control.
Wednesday, January 1, 2020
Beshear's position on fraudulent teacher sick day use provides another test for Daniel Cameron
It's the first Sunday of April, and Tommy Teacher is sitting at home in the afternoon, enjoying the day, when his phone rings.
On the other end is a friend of his with an offer.
"Hey, Tommy, I have tickets to the Reds Opening Day game tomorrow. They're right behind the visitors' dugout, five rows back. Want to go?"
Tommy's been a lifelong Cincinnati Reds fan. It's an offer that's too good to be true. Of course, there's one big problem. He has to work the next day. School is in session.
But he comes up with a solution.
"Sure," he tells his friend. "I'll drive and I'll pick you up at 8 in the morning."
Then he calls his school principal.
"I'm sick, and I won't be at work tomorrow. Can you call a sub for me?"
So, Tommy Teacher calls in sick, despite feeling just fine. And instead of going to school on Monday, he heads north across the river to watch the Reds open up what will probably be another disappointing season.
Is that right? Is that even legal? Kentucky's new governor thinks it is.
Something similar happened during last year's legislative session, but instead of going to ballgames, Kentucky teachers called in sick by the hundreds to go to Frankfort to protest pending legislation. So many teachers fraudulently called in sick in some school districts that superintendents were forced to cancel classes those days.
Common sense indicates that this is an inappropriate use of sick leave. Various state laws do as well.
Public school employees are paid with tax dollars, the same as state employees. There are definitive policies and guidelines for state workers on how leave time is to be used. Sick leave is reserved for specific purposes. Sudden illnesses, scheduled medical appointments, caring for sick relatives, and bereavement are the allowed uses for sick leave. If a state employee wants to be off for other reasons -- say, to attend a ballgame or go to Frankfort to protest something -- they are required to use annual leave (the state's term for vacation) or accrued compensatory time. Improper use of sick leave is against both state law and agency policy. Employees who do so are subject to discipline, which can range from a verbal or written reprimand to suspension or even dismissal.
On New Year's Eve, Gov. Andy Beshear gave his blessing to the teacher sickouts, claiming they were protected First Amendment speech. He rescinded an earlier declaration by former Gov. Matt Bevin's Labor Cabinet that the sickouts were illegal. It's yet another instance of how he has pandered to the educational bureaucracy since he took office last month.
If teachers want to protest, good for them. They have an absolute First Amendment right to free speech and to petition the government for a redress of grievances. They do not, however, have a right to improperly use sick days to take off work to go rally on the Capitol steps when they should be using personal leave. And if their school districts don't allow personal days, then they should be protesting at local board of education meetings to have them approved, as each individual district sets its leave policies.
The declaration by the Bevin administration amounted to a "don't do it again" scolding, because neither the Labor Cabinet nor the Department of Education decided to prosecute any teachers for the violations. (There was never any danger of individual school districts punishing teachers for their time and attendance fraud, because the administrators are sympathetic to the teachers' cause, and they even allowed some to take school buses to Frankfort for the rallies/protests.) Beshear's announcement gives them free rein to do it all over again during the upcoming session without fear of punishment or reprimand.
But this gives new Attorney General Daniel Cameron yet another opportunity to stand up for what's right. He can enforce the state's sickout and public employee time and attendance laws and regulations. He can certainly prosecute any teachers who call in sick but show up in Frankfort at protests. Whether he will or not remains to be seen. He can either make some sort of announcement as to how his office will handle the matter, or he can wait to see if it comes up during the 2020 legislative session and then act accordingly. It's yet another test of just how vigilant he will be in protecting Kentuckians from the bad policies of the new governor.
In the meantime, though, teachers have the green light to use their sick days for whatever reason they want. Go to a Reds game, as in our fictional example? Fishing? Deer hunting? An impromptu shopping or movie trip? A long weekend in Gatlinburg? It's all fair game now, thanks to a governor who would rather cater to a core constituency of his instead of enforcing the law and ensuring proper proper conduct by tax-paid public employees.
On the other end is a friend of his with an offer.
"Hey, Tommy, I have tickets to the Reds Opening Day game tomorrow. They're right behind the visitors' dugout, five rows back. Want to go?"
Tommy's been a lifelong Cincinnati Reds fan. It's an offer that's too good to be true. Of course, there's one big problem. He has to work the next day. School is in session.
But he comes up with a solution.
"Sure," he tells his friend. "I'll drive and I'll pick you up at 8 in the morning."
Then he calls his school principal.
"I'm sick, and I won't be at work tomorrow. Can you call a sub for me?"
So, Tommy Teacher calls in sick, despite feeling just fine. And instead of going to school on Monday, he heads north across the river to watch the Reds open up what will probably be another disappointing season.
Is that right? Is that even legal? Kentucky's new governor thinks it is.
Something similar happened during last year's legislative session, but instead of going to ballgames, Kentucky teachers called in sick by the hundreds to go to Frankfort to protest pending legislation. So many teachers fraudulently called in sick in some school districts that superintendents were forced to cancel classes those days.
Common sense indicates that this is an inappropriate use of sick leave. Various state laws do as well.
Public school employees are paid with tax dollars, the same as state employees. There are definitive policies and guidelines for state workers on how leave time is to be used. Sick leave is reserved for specific purposes. Sudden illnesses, scheduled medical appointments, caring for sick relatives, and bereavement are the allowed uses for sick leave. If a state employee wants to be off for other reasons -- say, to attend a ballgame or go to Frankfort to protest something -- they are required to use annual leave (the state's term for vacation) or accrued compensatory time. Improper use of sick leave is against both state law and agency policy. Employees who do so are subject to discipline, which can range from a verbal or written reprimand to suspension or even dismissal.
On New Year's Eve, Gov. Andy Beshear gave his blessing to the teacher sickouts, claiming they were protected First Amendment speech. He rescinded an earlier declaration by former Gov. Matt Bevin's Labor Cabinet that the sickouts were illegal. It's yet another instance of how he has pandered to the educational bureaucracy since he took office last month.
If teachers want to protest, good for them. They have an absolute First Amendment right to free speech and to petition the government for a redress of grievances. They do not, however, have a right to improperly use sick days to take off work to go rally on the Capitol steps when they should be using personal leave. And if their school districts don't allow personal days, then they should be protesting at local board of education meetings to have them approved, as each individual district sets its leave policies.
The declaration by the Bevin administration amounted to a "don't do it again" scolding, because neither the Labor Cabinet nor the Department of Education decided to prosecute any teachers for the violations. (There was never any danger of individual school districts punishing teachers for their time and attendance fraud, because the administrators are sympathetic to the teachers' cause, and they even allowed some to take school buses to Frankfort for the rallies/protests.) Beshear's announcement gives them free rein to do it all over again during the upcoming session without fear of punishment or reprimand.
But this gives new Attorney General Daniel Cameron yet another opportunity to stand up for what's right. He can enforce the state's sickout and public employee time and attendance laws and regulations. He can certainly prosecute any teachers who call in sick but show up in Frankfort at protests. Whether he will or not remains to be seen. He can either make some sort of announcement as to how his office will handle the matter, or he can wait to see if it comes up during the 2020 legislative session and then act accordingly. It's yet another test of just how vigilant he will be in protecting Kentuckians from the bad policies of the new governor.
In the meantime, though, teachers have the green light to use their sick days for whatever reason they want. Go to a Reds game, as in our fictional example? Fishing? Deer hunting? An impromptu shopping or movie trip? A long weekend in Gatlinburg? It's all fair game now, thanks to a governor who would rather cater to a core constituency of his instead of enforcing the law and ensuring proper proper conduct by tax-paid public employees.
Friday, December 27, 2019
Flashback: Did Mitch McConnell, Paul Patton strike a deal?
With the upcoming Kentucky U.S. Senate race now front and center, and with allegations floating around that Mitch McConnell influenced former Gov. Matt Bevin to drop former Lt. Gov. Jeanean Hampton from his re-election ticket in favor of state Sen. Ralph Alvarado, it's time to look back two decades at a longstanding Bluegrass political question that has never been answered.
Did McConnell and former Gov. Paul Patton have some sort of deal in place to protect each other's political viability? That in exchange for the Republican Party not fielding a viable candidate against Patton when he ran for re-election in 1999, that Patton would not run for Senate against McConnell in 2002? The existence of such an agreement has been rumored for years, but no one has ever gone on the record to confirm or deny it. There might have been some -- gasp -- collusion or quid pro quo going on.
To examine the matter, let's go back to 1995. Patton was elected by slightly more than 21,000 votes over Republican Larry Forgy. The state GOP had not experienced its ascendency yet, so by the standards of the day, that was considered an extremely close margin. That race had some parallels to this year's gubernatorial election. Like 2019, the 1995 race was decided in Jefferson County. And like 2019, there were allegations of election improprieties. Unlike this year, though, criminal charges were actually filed against a handful of Patton's operatives and backers. That court case ended when Patton issued controversial pardons -- again, a parallel to this year -- for those charged.
Patton was the first Kentucky governor eligible to succeed himself in office. By the time 1999 rolled around, he had a record to either run on, or run from. And two of his positions had been quite controversial. He supported changes to workers compensation rules for employees injured on the job in a way that many felt negatively impacted coal miners' black lung claims. And he backed the removal of the community college system from the University of Kentucky's control, to be moved under a new umbrella covering community and technical colleges.
So, Patton was vulnerable. He even admitted after the 1999 election that he could've been beaten. So, you would have expected the Republicans to be chomping at the bit to finally claim the office that had eluded them so narrowly four years prior, and to win it back for the first time since Louie Nunn left office in 1971.
Again, the Republican Party was still in its ascendancy in Kentucky. The GOP had not firmed up its grip on the federal delegation, and control of the General Assembly was a distant dream back then. Forgy opted against another run at the office. But surely there was some strong Republican candidate waiting in the wings, who could have been backed by the McConnell machine that was gaining strength at the time.
Nope. No Republican with a legitimate shot of unseating a vulnerable incumbent stepped forward. Party leaders made no effort to recruit a viable candidate. The primary came down to a perennial candidate named David Williams who had switched parties (no relation to the future GOP state Senate leader) and a delightful but out-of-her-league lady named Peppy Martin. Martin won the nomination, but was no match for Patton, who cruised to victory. Martin is probably best known for wearing a prom dress to her election night event.
In retrospect, a look back at the election results shows just how susceptible Patton was to being beaten. Martin carried four predominately Republican counties in eastern Kentucky, but she also surprisingly won three counties in the coalfields (Perry, Harlan, and Letcher) that are Democrat strongholds. Patton's margin of victory in many other Appalachian counties, including his home county of Pike, was far less than one might have expected.
So why didn't the GOP field a strong challenger against Patton? Conventional wisdom of the day was that a Democrat running for re-election in Kentucky was guaranteed a victory, and that Republicans didn't want to run a potential future candidate's political outlook by sacrificing him or her to an incumbent. Contrast that to this year, when it was considered an upset when a Democrat beat an unpopular Republican incumbent.
But it didn't take long for an alternative theory to emerge. Patton was said to be looking ahead to 2002's U.S. Senate race, when McConnell would be up for re-election. Although McConnell was already the most powerful Republican in the state, he still hadn't climbed to the apex of political power. He didn't have nearly as much muscle to flex back then as he does now. So from thence came rumors of a deal: If McConnell wouldn't get the state Republicans behind a gubernatorial challenger in 1999, Patton would not run for Senate in 2002.
As it turned out, a deal wasn't necessary. McConnell beat his 2002 challenger, Lois Combs Weinberg, daughter of the late Gov. Bert T. Combs, by a 65-35 margin (the reverse of what voter registration was in Kentucky at the time). Weinberg was so bad of a candidate that it's rumored even her stepmother, Judge Sara Combs, didn't support her. A possible Patton run in 2004 against the then-first-term incumbent Jim Bunning to reclaim what Democrats regarded as "Wendell Ford's seat" evaporated in controversy. The Tina Conner scandal torpedoed Patton's political future as an elected official, although he's since re-emerged as something of an elder statesman for his party.
So, here we are, 20 years later. McConnell's fingerprints were all over two Kentucky GOP primary races earlier this year, secretary of state and attorney general. Not only do some think he was behind Hampton's removal from the gubernatorial ticket, which they think contributed to Bevin's loss, but they see McConnell behind a systematic purge of staunch conservatives who worked in Bevin's administration. So McConnell's wheeler-dealer skills have been honed and he's still using them.
There's no doubt that McConnell is a master political manipulator. But did he get some solid practice in the art two decades ago? It's a question that many longtime Bluegrass political observers would love to have answered. Maybe one of these days, when someone is brave enough to ask McConnell when they're writing yet another profile of him, or sometime when Patton has had a few too many of the beverages he's said to be fond of, there will finally be a confirmation or denial on the record to finally put an end to the speculation.
Did McConnell and former Gov. Paul Patton have some sort of deal in place to protect each other's political viability? That in exchange for the Republican Party not fielding a viable candidate against Patton when he ran for re-election in 1999, that Patton would not run for Senate against McConnell in 2002? The existence of such an agreement has been rumored for years, but no one has ever gone on the record to confirm or deny it. There might have been some -- gasp -- collusion or quid pro quo going on.
To examine the matter, let's go back to 1995. Patton was elected by slightly more than 21,000 votes over Republican Larry Forgy. The state GOP had not experienced its ascendency yet, so by the standards of the day, that was considered an extremely close margin. That race had some parallels to this year's gubernatorial election. Like 2019, the 1995 race was decided in Jefferson County. And like 2019, there were allegations of election improprieties. Unlike this year, though, criminal charges were actually filed against a handful of Patton's operatives and backers. That court case ended when Patton issued controversial pardons -- again, a parallel to this year -- for those charged.
Patton was the first Kentucky governor eligible to succeed himself in office. By the time 1999 rolled around, he had a record to either run on, or run from. And two of his positions had been quite controversial. He supported changes to workers compensation rules for employees injured on the job in a way that many felt negatively impacted coal miners' black lung claims. And he backed the removal of the community college system from the University of Kentucky's control, to be moved under a new umbrella covering community and technical colleges.
So, Patton was vulnerable. He even admitted after the 1999 election that he could've been beaten. So, you would have expected the Republicans to be chomping at the bit to finally claim the office that had eluded them so narrowly four years prior, and to win it back for the first time since Louie Nunn left office in 1971.
Again, the Republican Party was still in its ascendancy in Kentucky. The GOP had not firmed up its grip on the federal delegation, and control of the General Assembly was a distant dream back then. Forgy opted against another run at the office. But surely there was some strong Republican candidate waiting in the wings, who could have been backed by the McConnell machine that was gaining strength at the time.
Nope. No Republican with a legitimate shot of unseating a vulnerable incumbent stepped forward. Party leaders made no effort to recruit a viable candidate. The primary came down to a perennial candidate named David Williams who had switched parties (no relation to the future GOP state Senate leader) and a delightful but out-of-her-league lady named Peppy Martin. Martin won the nomination, but was no match for Patton, who cruised to victory. Martin is probably best known for wearing a prom dress to her election night event.
In retrospect, a look back at the election results shows just how susceptible Patton was to being beaten. Martin carried four predominately Republican counties in eastern Kentucky, but she also surprisingly won three counties in the coalfields (Perry, Harlan, and Letcher) that are Democrat strongholds. Patton's margin of victory in many other Appalachian counties, including his home county of Pike, was far less than one might have expected.
So why didn't the GOP field a strong challenger against Patton? Conventional wisdom of the day was that a Democrat running for re-election in Kentucky was guaranteed a victory, and that Republicans didn't want to run a potential future candidate's political outlook by sacrificing him or her to an incumbent. Contrast that to this year, when it was considered an upset when a Democrat beat an unpopular Republican incumbent.
But it didn't take long for an alternative theory to emerge. Patton was said to be looking ahead to 2002's U.S. Senate race, when McConnell would be up for re-election. Although McConnell was already the most powerful Republican in the state, he still hadn't climbed to the apex of political power. He didn't have nearly as much muscle to flex back then as he does now. So from thence came rumors of a deal: If McConnell wouldn't get the state Republicans behind a gubernatorial challenger in 1999, Patton would not run for Senate in 2002.
As it turned out, a deal wasn't necessary. McConnell beat his 2002 challenger, Lois Combs Weinberg, daughter of the late Gov. Bert T. Combs, by a 65-35 margin (the reverse of what voter registration was in Kentucky at the time). Weinberg was so bad of a candidate that it's rumored even her stepmother, Judge Sara Combs, didn't support her. A possible Patton run in 2004 against the then-first-term incumbent Jim Bunning to reclaim what Democrats regarded as "Wendell Ford's seat" evaporated in controversy. The Tina Conner scandal torpedoed Patton's political future as an elected official, although he's since re-emerged as something of an elder statesman for his party.
So, here we are, 20 years later. McConnell's fingerprints were all over two Kentucky GOP primary races earlier this year, secretary of state and attorney general. Not only do some think he was behind Hampton's removal from the gubernatorial ticket, which they think contributed to Bevin's loss, but they see McConnell behind a systematic purge of staunch conservatives who worked in Bevin's administration. So McConnell's wheeler-dealer skills have been honed and he's still using them.
There's no doubt that McConnell is a master political manipulator. But did he get some solid practice in the art two decades ago? It's a question that many longtime Bluegrass political observers would love to have answered. Maybe one of these days, when someone is brave enough to ask McConnell when they're writing yet another profile of him, or sometime when Patton has had a few too many of the beverages he's said to be fond of, there will finally be a confirmation or denial on the record to finally put an end to the speculation.
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