Hazard High School incident highlights left's hypocrisy

Debates are raging across the country over educational policy. On matters as diverse as restroom usage, participation on sports teams, curriculum, and Wuhan Chinese virus mitigation efforts, the discussion covers not only how to address these subjects, but who's qualified and entitled to make decisions.

Earlier this week, it was even posited in a Washington Post opinion piece that parents do not have the right to have a say in how their children are taught. The paper then doubled down with an editorial comparing activist parents using their rightful powers as voters and taxpayers to bullies. The issue has become a major factor in the Virginia gubernatorial race, where Democrat Terry McAuliffe says that parents shouldn't dictate school policy, with Republican Glenn Youngkin taking the opposite viewpoint.

Liberals are horrified that parents, taxpayers, and voters are taking greater interest in school board meetings and are speaking out against policies they oppose and in favor of policies they support. The left fears an influx of new school board members, elected by the public, that may reverse years of decisions made by the "educrats" with which they disagree.  The idea of the people who actually fund the schools through their tax dollars and elect the board members who make policy having a say in how schools are run terrifies them.

That's what makes the reaction to this week's news out of Hazard, Ky., even more astonishing. The same liberals who see nothing wrong with biological males using girls' restrooms and playing on girls' sports teams are outraged over a risqué homecoming assembly at Hazard High School.

The story has made national headlines. A student assembly at the southeastern Kentucky school included male athletes dressed in drag and giving simulated lap dances to coaches and other personnel, females wearing Hooters attire pretending to be waitresses, and other activities and apparel one generally wouldn't associate with an in-school activity.

Condemnation has come from across the state and from all sides of the political spectrum, but some of the loudest criticism has come from the Lexington and Louisville liberals who see nothing wrong with a male who pretends to be a female merely by "identifying" as one using the girls' bathroom or competing against girls in scholastic sports. Ask a certain parent in Loudoun County, Va., just how well those "inclusive" bathrooms work.

They're OK with letting boys and girls use the restroom or the locker room together, but an over-the-top school spirit skit offends them and they demand heads to roll? Doesn't that not only seem hypocritical, but illogical?

Most of the criticism has been levied at the school's longtime principal, Donald "Happy" Mobelini, who is also the city's mayor. He's a popular figure in the community that serves as a regional commercial and medical hub for a large portion of the southeastern Kentucky mountains. But the small city school district's superintendent has also come under fire, for a quick investigation into the incident that ended with the announcement of undisclosed discipline against unnamed individuals. She cited personnel privacy concerns for her veiled public statement. However, state education officials are also looking into the matter, and decisions such as revocation of an educator's professional certification are not private.

Some in the community have defended the homecoming assembly, or at least not outright condemned it, but anger and disgust have been voiced from people of all political persuasions. Kentucky's liberal governor and lieutenant governor have stated they're displeased with this, as have some of the state's most conservative legislators and political observers.

It's not surprising that conservatives who oppose transgender bathroom policies are also upset with the Hazard homecoming event. Indeed, it can be argued that drag beauty pageants, simulated adult entertainment scenarios, and a representation of serving alcohol are not appropriate for school activities in any setting. But most of the students categorize it as just good harmless fun. Can the same be said about letting individuals with penises use the girls' bathroom? Both are legitimate issues and are ones that parents who send their kids to schools, voters who elect school board members to represent them, and taxpayers who fund public schools have every right to speak out about.

If it's OK for liberals in big-city Kentucky to complain about this, why should it be compared to domestic terrorism for rural conservatives to speak out against teaching a warped view of racial history or their kids being made to wear masks in school? If parents and members of the public are to have a say in one area of school activities, shouldn't they have a voice in all educational decisions?

It is fascinating to watch the various reactions to this situation from people who couldn't find Hazard or Perry County on a map, get it confused with the fictional Hazzard County, Ga., of "Dukes of Hazzard" television fame, and know nothing about the area's cultural and political history.  Those who have no clue about the region are the first to jump to conclusions in online comment sections.

But the overall point remains: If people miles away from Hazard can have strong opinions about what happened there and call for a response, why can't people express their thoughts and demand action on things affecting their own children and occurring in their own communities?

There's a growing nationwide wave of people who are tired of "of the people, by the people, and for the people" having become "of the government, by the government, and for the government." They're sick of dealing with an unresponsive bureaucracy that ignores their concerns. They're motivated to become activists and run for office to shake up the system. The idea of a true citizen government terrifies the entrenched interests worse than any Halloween horror film. And it all starts with public involvement.

Liberals just shouldn't be surprised when they complain about citizen activism in education and then get called out for their double standards when they lose their minds over what happened in Hazard.

Republicans' courtship of Democrats' approval never ends well

For political observers, the events of the day always provide an opportunity to learn a new lesson, or to reinforce an old one. Nearly every headline provides a teachable moment, but all too often, those who would benefit most from the learning experience never take it to heart.

The death of Gen. Colin Powell offers yet another chance for Republicans to learn why they always end up heartbroken when they try to court the support and approval of liberal Democrats. Those attempts never end well. Their advances are rejected and they never succeed in winning over the other side. And when the opportunity presents itself, the left will viciously turn on those who have acquiesced to them and patronized them.

There are a number of parallels between Powell and John McCain. That's why Powell's betrayal of McCain in the 2008 presidential race was especially ironic.

McCain tried to stake his political legacy on his "maverick" reputation. He often took great delight in opposing the policies and principles of the Republican Party. He became the quintessential RINO. He refused to run a hard-hitting campaign against Barack Obama, appeared far too deferential to him during and after the 2008 race, and maintained that posture in his final days as a United States senator, casting a decisive vote against the repeal of Obamacare in an act of defiance to conservatives.

One would think that McCain's positions would have been right up Powell's alley. Frequently mentioned as a wished-for GOP presidential candidate, Powell never entered the political arena after his service as chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and later as secretary of state. He initially supported McCain's 2008 presidential run, but then pulled one of the most amazing about-faces in American presidential political history.

Powell chose pigmentation over policy, and threw his backing behind Obama, snubbing McCain. The change in direction from the man who had served for a time as Ronald Reagan's national security adviser didn't go over well with Republicans who had been supportive of Powell and his career. Some even took to calling him "Colon" Powell in response to his betrayal of his principles.

What usually happens when Republicans court the affection of Democrats is that they not only fail to win the liberals over, but they lose the love from their own side. It certainly happened to McCain. He never succeeded in winning over the left, and he became a pariah among the base of the Republican Party. He'll be a poster child for RINOs for years to come. Even in death, he didn't get the warm fuzzies from the Democrats that he'd spent much of his political career chasing.

The same thing happened to Powell. Within a few hours of his death, before the ever-changing news cycle had gotten a chance to move on to the next headline, the term "war criminal" was trending on Twitter. The liberals, whose approval Powell had sought for many years, were turning on him due to his support for the Iraq war in 2002. Even in death, he couldn't get the bipartisan approval he craved.

It's a lesson from which Republicans should take heed. We're seeing it play out on national and regional stages every day. Members of Congress such as Liz Cheney and Adam Kinzinger are playing to the liberals by siding with them in their battles against Donald Trump. But it's still common to see leftists complain about their voting records, while at the same time the faux Republicans have torpedoed the grassroots support from their own party. Illinois Democrats were so grateful for Kinzinger's anti-Trump support that they have attempted to gerrymander him out of his House seat for next year's elections.

This scenario is ongoing in Kentucky politics, as well. Secretary of State Michael Adams is often criticized by Republicans for capitulating to Gov. Andy Beshear on temporary voting procedure changes that were implemented last year, some of which were made permanent. Yet some liberals are also on his case over some of the steps taken to combat fraud and ensure election integrity. By playing to both sides, he's made enemies of both. No wonder he's mulling a race for Kentucky's vacant 3rd District congressional seat next year, especially now that state Sen. Julie Raque Adams has indicated she doesn't plan to run.

Legislative leaders in the GOP-dominated Kentucky General Assembly have drawn the ire of the left for standing against many of Beshear's executive mandates regarding the Wuhan Chinese virus, but the GOP rank and file are angry with them for not fighting back hard enough. They see the recent special session as a lost opportunity to enact reforms such as making employers liable for workers compensation claims as a result of vaccination requirements, or prohibiting forced vaccination in order to get or keep a job or otherwise participate in society.

Donald Trump weighed in on Powell's death on  Tuesday in his typical outspoken way. Trump haters immediately pounced on Trump's language, but nothing he said was untrue. It could have been phrased a bit more diplomatically, but the substance of Trump's observation was correct. Powell was a RINO who failed miserably when he coddled liberals.

Powell's passing is noted here. It is not celebrated as some did before his family had an opportunity to make funeral arrangements, but neither is it mourned. But the lesson in how his death has been noted is something that conservatives and Republicans should take to heart when they cast their lots with the left and seek their devotion and approval, and abandon their core principles in search of acceptance.

That didn't take long. Intrigue builds over race to replace Yarmuth

As could have been predicted, the announcement that John Yarmuth is not seeking re-election to Congress has touched off a lot of speculation and maneuvering as potential replacements mull a political campaign.

So far, a couple of state legislators have jumped into the fray. Rep. Attica Scott had already filed to challenge Yarmuth, and shortly after the retirement announcement went public, Sen. Morgan McGarvey made his intent to run known.

McGarvey must have known this was coming. He's already released a list of endorsements from several prominent Democrats. What's interesting about that is it includes some of Scott's colleagues in the House of Representatives. It also includes Sens. Reggie Thomas of Lexington and Gerald Neal of Louisville, both of whom share pigmentation with Scott, as does David James, president of Louisville's Metro Council and a former deputy attorney general under Greg Stumbo.

But although it seems that McGarvey knew in advance of Yarmuth's retirement, because he already had a fundraising mechanism in place, Yarmuth has stated that he has no plans to endorse a successor -- with one exception. His son, Aaron, publisher of the alternative Louisville Eccentric Observer (LEO) Weekly newspaper, has indicated he might jump in the race to succeed his father. The elder Yarmuth said he would support his son should he choose to run.

There may be other Democrats interested in running, and there are even a few who are encouraging former state Rep. Charles Booker to give up his destined-to-be-futile effort to unseat U. S. Sen. Rand Paul and go for the congressional seat instead.

A race between Booker and Scott would be fascinating, to say the least. Watching the two of them try to out-black the other could be downright hilarious, as both see themselves as champions of an oppressed minority.

And what of the Republicans? Although the 3rd District is extremely liberal, Republicans think they might have a shot at recapturing a seat the GOP hasn't held since 2007. There seems to be a concerted effort by the establishment to coax state Sen. Julie Raque Adams into the race. But unlike McGarvey, she'll have to choose between running to keep her state Senate seat or running for Congress, as her district is up for re-election next year.

An interesting twist to the potential GOP race came when Secretary of State Michael Adams said he would support Julie Adams, to whom he is not related, should she run. But if she doesn't run, he might consider the race himself. Adams may sense that he's in danger of being primaried if he runs for re-election for his current job in 2023, as he's unpopular with the base of the party for his capitulation to Gov. Andy Beshear on 2020 election changes due to the Wuhan Chinese virus, and the adoption of some of those procedures permanently.

Speaking of the base, the establishment within the Republican Party of Kentucky is already sending warning flares to the electorate, admonishing voters not to choose a conservative nominee. Tres Watson, former RPK communications director who's staked out a number of RINO positions in recent months, came right out and tweeted so. "The base needs to ask themselves: What's more important, ideological purity or 'Minority Leader Pelosi?' Nominate a candidate who can win KY-3, not one who's going (sic) headline CPAC."

The disdain for the grassroots is obvious. It must really pain the RPK leaders to have to issue statements of support for rank-and-file favorites like Rand Paul, Thomas Massie, Savannah Maddox, and others who aren't go-along-to-get-along types.

But the elephant in the room (pun intended) is the redistricting that must take place before next year's elections, based on the 2020 Census. With the filing deadline moved up even earlier in the General Assembly's session, it's unclear if the legislature will tackle the issue early once the session convenes in January, or if House and Senate leaders will ask Beshear to call a special session.

Since Jefferson County's population is larger than the ideal number of voters in each of Kentucky's six House districts, the county is split. Most of the western part of the county is in the 3rd District, while the extreme eastern part of the county is in the adjoining 4th District. This is Massie's seat and it extends all the way along the Ohio River to the Ashland area, encompassing the more urban northern Kentucky Cincinnati suburbs as well as a large swath of rural Kentucky.

One wrinkle the General Assembly's GOP majorities could throw into the process is to realign the district so the west end of Louisville is put into the 2nd District and the portion currently in the 4th folded into the 3rd. This wouldn't substantially impact the party's chances of keeping the 2nd District in the hands of Brett Guthrie, but it might bring an influx of Republicans into the 3rd.

Others are advocating for a more radical redistricting that would carve up Jefferson County and place portions of it in the 2nd, 4th, and 6th Districts, creating a new 3rd District that isn't limited to just the one county. It's not known if such a blatant attempt at gerrymandering would survive a court challenge, since ideal congressional districts are supposed to be as compact as possible while still meeting population guidelines to ensure districts of nearly equal size. But there are some maps floating around with the proposed new districts sketched out, and they would certainly dilute Louisville's power.

Even if only minor changes are made to the 3rd District's boundaries, there's still an interesting wrinkle to consider. Members of Congress are not required to live in the district they represent; only the state. That's what made it possible for Chris Perkins to succeed his father, Carl D. Perkins, even though the younger Perkins lived in Montgomery County and not Knott County. Should the General Assembly move Scott's west end home out of the 3rd and into the 2nd, she could still run in the 3rd.

None of Kentucky's incumbent congressmen are in danger of losing. Guthrie's being challenged from the right, and Massie from the left, but they're likely safe in their primary battles. No credible opponent for Andy Barr has come out yet. And Hal Rogers and (unfortunately) Jamie Comer are entrenched in their seats. And no real drama was expected in the Yarmuth vs. Scott race, until Yarmuth's departure changed it all.

In both parties' primaries, it will be the race to watch, even more so than a potential Senate primary, because as of now it doesn't look like any viable Democrat is going to challenge Booker. The party seems content to give up any chance of defeating Paul, because Booker has no shot. His base doesn't extend beyond the radicals on the left, who are an obvious minority in Kentucky.

The big draw next year is the local ballot. New county and city leaders will be chosen, and those elections traditionally draw more interest and participation than do gubernatorial and presidential elections in Kentucky. But some in the Louisville media are already speculating that the battle to replace Yarmuth will overshadow that city's mayoral race.

Even for those of us not living in Jefferson County or those not in the Louisville media market, the 3rd District race is going to be interesting. Will Scott continue to use race as a wedge issue? Has McGarvey already frozen out mainstream opposition with his early announcement? Will a viable Republican run? Even as attention turns to the state elections in 2023 and the presidential race the following year, the Louisville race is going to draw statewide observers.

Did Kentucky's version of AOC scare John Yarmuth out of his congressional seat?

U.S. Rep. John Yarmuth, the only Democrat from Kentucky in the state's federal delegation, surprised many earlier this week when he announced his intent to retire from Congress and not seek re-election next year.

Yarmuth, who hails from Louisville and is one of the most liberal members of Congress -- and that's saying something, given the increasing leftist-leaning radicalization of his party -- had become one of the most influential members of his party on Capitol Hill. Once a Republican and an ally of Mitch McConnell, somewhere down the line his political ideology changed and he turned into a Democrat farther to the left than most of the rest of his party's voters and officials in Kentucky. He was elected in 2006, defeating Republican incumbent Anne Meagher Northup, and has not been seriously challenged since. Given Jefferson County's liberal bent, his seat is still considered "safe" for Democrats even as the rest of the state trends more conservative Republican.

It's almost inconceivable to think that Yarmuth could be challenged from the left, but that's exactly what happened when state Rep. Attica Scott announced her intent to run for the congressional seat earlier in the year. There's hardly any difference in the platforms of Yarmuth and Scott, except that Scott introduces racial politics into the mix. She's been an outspoken race-baiter for years, especially after Breonna Taylor's death during a police operation last year, and even got herself arrested during one of the many Louisville protests that deteriorated into a near-riot. (The charge was eventually dropped).

Scott is about the closest thing Kentucky has to a "Squad" member. Her ideas fit right in with those held by Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Ilhan Omar, Rashida Tlaib, Ayanna Pressley, and other like-minded radicals like Cori Bush in the House of Representatives.

Most political observers believed that Scott had no chance whatsoever of primarying Yarmuth, but one has to wonder why he decided to retire after indicating up until this point that he planned to stay in the race. He says he's in good health, but he's in his mid-70s and cited the common "spend more time with my family and doing things I want to do" reasons for dropping out of the race. Did he actually think Louisville voters would send him packing in favor of an even more extreme liberal?

While the news was surprising to many, it seemingly didn't come as a shock to at least one person. State Sen. Morgan McGarvey, who leads his party's minority in the Kentucky General Assembly's upper chamber, announced his candidacy for the seat within an hour of Yarmuth's disclosure, which came on social media rather than an in-person news conference. McGarvey had an introductory ad and a campaign Web site ready to go, which indicates he had advance knowledge of Yarmuth's decision and may even be the outgoing representative's choice for succeeding him. Since McGarvey was re-elected last year to a four-year term, he can run for Congress next year without having to give up his state Senate seat -- unlike Scott, who can't run for both Congress and the General Assembly and is having to give up her position in Frankfort to try to make it to Washington; or like former state Sen. Charles Booker, who gave up his position to unsuccessfully vie for the Democrats' nomination for U. S. Senate last year.

While it remains to be seen if the upcoming open seat will draw more contenders from Yarmuth's party, it also remains to be seen if Republicans can compete in the state's most liberal district. News of Yarmuth's retirement hadn't even had a chance to hit the evening broadcasts in Louisville before both Democrats and Republicans were speculating on a possible run by state Sen. Julia Raque Adams. Adams has positioned herself as a moderate-to-liberal Republican who is on good terms with some of the state's most outspoken liberals. She seems cut from the mold of Northup, who wasn't exactly a champion of conservatism during her political career and embarked on a McConnell-backed primary challenge to incumbent GOP Gov. Ernie Fletcher in 2007 after Yarmuth ousted her from Congress.

Kentucky's 3rd District is unique among the state's six. It consists of only part of one county, so there is not a large geographical territory for a candidate to cover. There's only one media market, so candidates don't have to saturate television stations in multiple cities with their ads. (Contrast that to the 4th District, which stretches along the Ohio River from Louisville to Ashland, and encompasses no less than four major media outposts -- Louisville, Cincinnati, Lexington, and Ashland-Huntington-Charleston). As previously noted, it's the state's most liberal district and even as Republicans make gains in voter registration across the rest of the state, Democrats still dominate Jefferson County. But there are still a decent amount of conservative Republicans in Louisville. Remember, it's where former Gov. Matt Bevin, one of the most conservative politicians ever to be elected in Kentucky, calls home.

The seat is not unwinnable for the GOP, but it will take a stronger candidate than Adams to claim a victory. Rank and file voters are growing increasingly dissatisfied with meek voices and squishy beliefs. They're looking for staunch conservatives who will stand up against liberal policies. If Adams does run and win the nomination, she won't excite her party's base.

Early indications are that unless someone else with a prominent voice comes out, McGarvey will likely be his party's nominee. He got the earliest start and appeals to a much broader swath of the electorate in his own party than does Scott. Even liberals in Louisville didn't like the air of lawlessness that took over the city last summer, the events of which Scott was a participant.

But one has to wonder about the timing of Yarmuth's announcement, months after Scott's entry into the race. Would he have delayed his decision if she hadn't joined the fray? Does he have concerns -- which, notably, aren't shared by the pundit class -- that she might actually have a chance to win? Did he want to get out early to give McGarvey a chance to get started on his campaign?

We'll see if Yarmuth expounds on his decision in the next few weeks. But for now, the race for what will likely be Kentucky's only open seat in a year in which Republicans are very likely to regain control of both chambers of Congress will be the one to watch in the Bluegrass State.

Brandon Brown: The hero America didn't know it needed

NASCAR fans are very familiar with the vagaries of racing at Daytona and Talladega, the two longest tracks on the stock car circuit. At 2.5 and 2.66 miles long respectively, the tracks produce high-speed competition. NASCAR's safety efforts to slow the drivers, most notably years of use of carburetor restrictor places, create tight packs of cars, often resulting in spectacular and damaging crashes that can take out half the field.

The unpredictable nature of racing at the two tracks, and the ever-present threat of rain at outdoor events in Florida and Alabama, has resulted in a number of drivers getting their first victories there. Trevor Bayne's only career win in the top-tier Cup series (formerly known as Winston Cup, later Sprint Cup and now Monster Energy Cup) came in the 2011 Daytona 500. Kentuckian Michael Waltrip won four career Cup races, two Daytona 500's and two at Talladega. (By contrast, his three-time series champion brother Darrell, one of NASCAR's all-time winningest drivers, won only one Daytona 500). And it took the late Dale Earnhardt, truly a legend in the sport, two decades of trying before he finally won a Daytona 500 despite his absolute mastery of the two tracks in other races.

But Talladega's fall race weekend a couple of weeks ago gave many in the country a new rallying cry that transcends racing. The outcome of the second-tier Xfinity Series race turned out to be bigger than the Cup Series win two days later by black driver Bubba Wallace at the same track where the "noose in the garage" hoax had occurred a year earlier.

Brandon Brown drives for a small, family-owned race team in the Xfinity Series, which can be thought of as the AAA league if the Cup Series is the big league. He hails from northern Virginia on the outskirts of Washington, D.C. He had never before won in the Xfinity Series until he found himself leading the Sparks 300 on Oct. 2, when the race was put under caution and eventually ended due to rain.

First-time winners always make for a feel-good story, but this tale definitely didn't end there. Once the race was made official, Brown was interviewed by a commentator for NBC sports. As the interview progressed, a group of fans started chanting a vulgar anti-Joe Biden phrase that's becoming increasingly common at public events. It was obvious what the fans were yelling, but for some reason, the reporter either couldn't hear, or had been instructed by producers to try to talk over or explain away the chant: "As you can hear the chants from the crowd, 'Let's Go Brandon." Making matters worse, the camera cut to the scene of the fans in the stands, amplifying their chant. Listen and see for yourself:

The ripple effect happened immediately. Reaction was instantaneous. Suddenly, "Let's Go Brandon" became a family-friendly way for people not thrilled with President Biden's administration to express that sentiment without the profanity,  either fully voiced or abbreviated as "FJB." Memes took over the Internet. A cottage industry sprung up, with shirts, stickers, and flags adorned with the slogan available for purchase within the week.

For his part, Brown seemingly took the incident in stride. He chuckled after the reporter's comment, as if admitting he knew that's not at all what they were chanting. He tweeted out a humorous message to all the guys who share his name. "To all the other Brandon's out there. You're welcome. Let's go us!" Other than that, he doesn't appear to have weighed in on the matter, or said whether or not he supports the "Let's Go Brandon" political movement.

Who knows what will happen to Brown's racing career?Will he find more success, or will his record perpetually show just one victory in the second-highest-level stock car circuit?Will he remain more or less an unheralded figure, or will we learn more about this 28-year-old inadvertently thrust into the national political spotlight by a race reporter's comment?

But whatever becomes of Brandon Brown, he's now the hero America needed in this moment of national decline. For the next three years, anytime someone says "Let's Go Brandon," everyone will know exactly how they feel about America's current leadership and direction.

Thank you, Brandon Brown and NBC Sports. You're exactly what this country was looking for.