Friday, January 15, 2016

Bevin causes consternation among the clueless

Matt Bevin has barely been in office as Kentucky governor for a month, yet he’s already caused a sharp rise in the blood pressure of Bluegrass liberals through a handful of actions taken either to reverse the acts of his predecessor or to remedy his inaction.

Even before Bevin took office, his critics were out in full force. Reading the online comments on news stories and the anti-Bevin editorials published by the state’s two largest papers offers some keen insight into the amount of what’s often called “butt-hurt” suffered by those who opposed him. They cannot believe that Kentuckians had the audacity to elect a conservative Republican governor after years of Democrats being at the helm.

About two weeks ago, Bevin issues a series of executive orders that really ramped up the criticism, on a statewide and national scale. Unfortunately for the critics, they’re attacking with less than a full knowledge or understanding of the facts and issues.

Probably the most misunderstood order was the rescission of Steve Beshear’s unilateral order increasing the minimum wage for state employees from $7.25 per hour to $10.10. Beshear took his action without gaining approval from the General Assembly, which is required by state law to budget and appropriate funding for state salaries. Bevin’s order rescinded the minimum wage increase for future hires, but specifically stated that no employee who had already gotten a raise from $7.25 to $10.10 would have that pay increase taken away.

As happens so often when the national blogs and websites get hold of a Kentucky story, they got critical facts wrong. They also communicated a mistaken narrative that the minimum wage for all Kentuckians had been increased by Beshear, and that Bevin had stripped that raise, which is blatantly untrue. Still others, including an anonymous Kentucky blog written by a foul-mouthed individual who identifies himself only as “Yellow Dog,” claimed that raises had actually been taken away from those who had already received them.

One doesn’t go on a left-leaning site like Daily Kos or Politico or Huffington Post and expect the commenters to be well-informed conservatives. So, you can probably guess what the uninformed denizens of those sites had to say. Without knowing the facts, poster after poster berated Bevin for sticking it to the poor working people of Kentucky. Apparently, these people can find their way to their favorite propaganda sites, but don’t know how to use Google to find out the truth behind the minimum wage rescission.

Bevin’s order also eliminated the employee advisory council. This was a bone thrown to the labor unions who helped Paul Patton get elected in 1995. Ernie Fletcher abolished it when he took office in 2003, but Beshear brought it back in 2007.

Again, those unfamiliar with Kentucky went crazy, claiming that the new governor had taken away the voice of state employees. And again, their claims were untrue. Kentucky employee wages and benefits are set through state law and administrative regulation, which means they require legislative approval. Kentucky has no collective bargaining process for state employees. State workers are free to contact elected officials with their requests, but in the end, those things are set by law and not through negotiations. Bevin’s order merely did away with a toothless tiger; an agency with no authority or power.

The role of the legislature also was a key factor in Bevin’s decision to eliminate the blanket restoration of voting rights to felons granted by Beshear. While Bevin in general supports the concept of felons automatically regaining the right to vote after they serve their sentences, he thinks such a policy should be passed by the legislature, and if necessary, by Kentucky’s voters via an amendment to the state constitution.

To no one’s surprise, the usual cries of “voter suppression” and “racism” came from the usual sources; again without regard for the facts. Governors have always had the ability to grant pardons and restore civil rights, but this has typically been done on an individual basis and is often done in one fell swoop late in a governor’s term. Bevin and others had questions about Beshear’s blanket, automatic voting rights restoration process, and the new governor wants to see that any changes to the way that’s done are done in accordance with the law.

And none of that takes into account his order to have the name of the county clerk removed from marriage licenses. This one really got the left up in arms. They railed against the change as a victory for bigotry, when in reality this does not affect the ability of same-sex couples to marry whatsoever. Leaders from both parties had clamored for a change after some county clerks expressed reservations about having their names appear on marriage licenses granted to same-sex couples. They had asked Beshear to either call a special legislative session or issue an executive order pertaining to the matter, but he refused to do either. This led to the controversy that swirled around Rowan County Clerk Kim Davis and turned both Morehead and Grayson into media circuses when Davis was jailed in Carter County for refusing to comply with a federal judge’s order that she issue marriage licenses to all applicants.

It’s just not Bevin’s executive orders that have caused consternation among the clueless. Last week, the state was forced to make substantial cuts to its Road Fund budget due to declining gasoline tax revenues. A large percentage of those cuts were to funds allocated to cities and counties for municipal and rural roads, and were required by law since local governments’ road funding is determined by a statutory formula.

This is a problem that can be placed at the feet of both parties. State leaders have known for at least two years that gasoline tax revenue would be declining, as the price of gas has steadily declined. Legislators failed to prop up the tax’s “floor” two years ago amid fears that it would be construed as a tax increase. The new, higher “floor” they approved last year was not nearly enough to offset the decrease in revenue.

Even though these Road Fund cuts would have taken place even if Jack Conway had won the governor’s race, or if Beshear was still in office, Bevin’s critics didn’t miss the chance to accuse him of slashing and burning in his attempt to kill the government. The typical anti-tea party rhetoric was on full display from those who didn’t bother to investigate why the cuts were necessary.

Bevin has made no secret of the fact that he’s inheriting a troubled state budget. Medicaid funding and fixing the pension shortfall will be two twin obstacles he faces as he tries to reverse the decades-long course the state’s been on under leadership of the opposite party. He doesn’t want to cut essential services, but the state’s obligations will cause him and the General Assembly to have to take a good, hard look at exactly what is essential and what isn’t.

It doesn’t help when his critics, especially those who aren’t in Kentucky and don’t really know what’s going on within the borders of the Bluegrass State, go off half-cocked with their complaints and criticisms without first educating themselves.


Bevin didn’t take money away from the lowest-paid state employees, he didn’t strip state workers of their negotiating power, and he didn’t make it harder for same-sex couples to get married. Those are facts, whether Kentucky liberals and national bloggers want to accept them or not.

Thursday, January 7, 2016

Democrats’ theory on recent Kentucky election losses will be tested in 2016

After devastating statewide losses in the last two general elections in Kentucky, bluegrass Democrats are frantically trying to figure out how they can stem the rising Republican tide in what was once a stronghold for their party.

Jack Conway’s surprising loss to Matt Bevin in this year’s gubernatorial election, coupled with Alison Lundergan Grimes’ poll-busting failure to unseat incumbent U. S. Sen. Mitch McConnell last year, has the Kentucky Democratic Party scrambling to answer questions about their future.

One answer, frequently mentioned by the more liberal wing of the party, is that Conway and Grimes were too conservative. These activists believe the best way for Democrats to win elections in Kentucky is to nominate leftist candidates.

Republicans have to be salivating at those prospects. One can almost see the party leaders, in the best tradition of Brer Rabbit, yelling, “Please don’t throw us in that briar patch!”

For years I’ve maintained that Kentucky Democrats are nothing like their cousins from Massachusetts or San Francisco. Kentucky Democrats are generally much more conservative on cultural and moral issues than are Democrats on the coasts and in the northeast. Someone like the late Teddy Kennedy or Nancy Pelosi would have a great deal of trouble being elected anywhere in Kentucky besides the liberal enclaves of Louisville and a few ZIP codes in Lexington.

Conway and Grimes had to stake out positions to the right of the national party in order to have any chance at all of being elected in Kentucky. To do otherwise would have resulted in even greater losses than what they suffered. There aren’t enough true liberals in Kentucky who could have rallied to their sides to offset more conservative Democrats – what used to be called “blue dog Democrats” – who would either vote for the Republican who more closely represents their beliefs, or not vote altogether.

The Democrats’ theory got a bit of a test last year. Elisabeth Jensen, an Elizabeth Warren-wannabe, challenged first-term incumbent Andy Barr for a seat in the U.S. House of Representatives. Barr had defeated an incumbent with a golden Kentucky political surname, Ben Chandler, two years prior despite the 6th District having been gerrymandered to be more favorable to Democrats. Not only does it contain Democrat fortress counties like Franklin and Fayette, but three other counties where Conway beat Bevin (Bath, Bourbon and Nicholas). And that fails to mention Wolfe County, which is also now in the 6th District but has absolutely no business being there from either a geographical or sociological perspective, which also went for Conway over Bevin. Despite those advantages, Jensen lost to Barr by a larger margin than Grimes lost to McConnell.

If Kentucky Democrats need more liberal candidates to win elections, then why didn’t a liberal like Jensen beat Barr in a favorable district? Possibly because hard-core liberalism doesn’t go over well in most parts of Kentucky?

Liberal pundits and some activists, however, continue to pound home the point that liberal candidates can succeed; and are, in fact, the only obstacle keeping Kentucky from future Republican dominance. They’ll get a perfect chance to prove that assertion next year, when Democrat voters go to the polls in May to choose a presidential nominee.

To hear national liberal crusaders tell it, Sen. Bernie Sanders is the perfect candidate. He wants to tax everyone into oblivion and then give free stuff to everybody. He’s represented Vermont in the Senate as an independent for years, but he’s an admitted socialist, which would seem to make him the ideal candidate for the Democratic National Committee. Sanders makes Hillary Clinton, herself a fairly radical liberal, look like a conservative.

If Kentucky Democrats are serious about their party needing more liberal candidates, then they should turn out in droves to nominate Sanders. But that’s not likely to happen. Sanders will be lucky to pull 25 percent of the vote in May, and Clinton will win the Kentucky primary in a landslide. And then she will lose in the general election despite her husband’s sustained popularity here and despite the support of the state’s leading Democrats like Grimes and Greg Stumbo.


Democrats are losing their grip on power in Kentucky for several reasons. Not being liberal enough is not one of them. Much of the electorate’s dissatisfaction with them stems from their failure to move Kentucky forward despite decades of control. A sudden lurch to the left isn’t going to fix what’s wrong with their party or their policies.